ipipi 

mm 


' 


$oIid  for  Olul^ooly. 


WHAT  THE  PRESS  SAYS  OF 


Solid  for  Mulhooly. 


“ What  Mrs.  Stowe’s  ‘ Uncle  Tom’s  Cabin  ’ was  to  slavery,  and  what 
Judge  Tourgee’s  ‘ Fool's  Errand  ’ is  to  Southern  reconstruction  Mr. 
Shapley’s  * Solid for  Alulhooly  ’ is  to  municipal  misrule.  It  is  the  keen- 
est and  most  polished  satire  of  the  age.  ...  It  will  be  the  most  suc- 
cessful gospel  of  municipal  reform  that  has  yet  confronted  our  ring- 
ridden  municipalities.” — Philadelphia  Times. 

“ Those  who  hold  aloof  from  City  politics,  indifferent  or  ignorant 
about  them  or  their  workings,  would  do  well  to  read  this  book.  The 
inclination  will  then  be  less  to  laugh  over  some  of  its  pages  than  to 
bring  the  blush  of  shame  to  an  honest  man’s  cheeks.  ...  Of  in- 
numerable volumes  of  this  character,  ‘ Solid  for  Mulhooly  ’ is 
undoubtedly  the  best.” — New  York  Times. 

“ One  of  the  brightest  satires  ever  written.” — Louisville  Courier- 
Journal. 

“ Extracts  would  hardly  do  it  justice.  It  should  be  perused  in  its 
entirety.  All  is  given  with  an  effectiveness  that  cannot  easily  be 

over-praised It  is  the  production  of  a writer  of  no  common 

power.  He  has  mastered  completely  his  subject,  and  has  seen  to  the 
bottom  of  it.  His  satire  is  a truly  vivid  picture  of  one  of  the  most 
threatening  abuses  of  the  times.” — Boston  Gazette. 

“ The  satire  is  so  entirely  true  to  the  life,  and  written  with  such  pun- 
gent wit,  as  to  make  its  way  at  once  to  popular  appreciation.  ... 
* Mike  Mulhooly  ’ and  * Blossom  Brick  ’ have  become  as  familiar  as 
household  words  all  over  the  country.” — Baltimore  Gazette. 

“ If  anything  could  be  a satire  on  American  politics,  it  would  be 
such  a book  as  ‘ Solid  for  Mulhooly ,’  but  unfortunately  for  our  would- 
be  Swifts  and  Thackerays,  our  politics  are  so  scandalous  in  them- 
selves that  it  is  impossible  to  satirize  them.  We  have  all  met  the  hero 
of  this  brochure — Michael  Mulhooly.” — N.  Y Evening  Mail. 

“ That  wonderfully  clever  satire  on  City  politics,  ‘ Solid  for  Mul- 
hooly9 . . . This  neatest  of  all  modern  political  satires  . . . shows 
to  a dot  and  with  exquisite  irony  how  the  Bosses  keep  up  their  rule.” 
— Phila.  Public  Ledger. 

“ In  the  municipal  canvass  through  which  we  have  just  passed  it 
was  the  quiver  from  which  almost  every  arrow  was  drawn.  It  illu- 
minated the  speeches  on  the  stump ; pointed  hundreds  of  paragraphs 
in  the  newspapers  ; gave  spice  to  advertisements ; flamed  out  on  the 
walls;  shone  on  the  banners;  became  the  ingenious  device  under 
which  the  Academy  of  Music  was  secured  for  a political  meeting; 
furnished  the  watch-words  and  prototypes  of  the  canvass ; and  coined 
a new  vocabulary  which  at  once  passed  current  in  the  whole  speech 

(5) 


6 


WHAT  THE  PRESS  SAYS. 


of  the  people.  It  pictured  the  reality  so  vividly  and  reflected  the 
popular  sense  so  powerfully  that  it  immediately  became  the  life  of  the 
Campaign.  As  a political  satire  it  takes  very  high  rank.  It  com- 
bines the  merits  of  polished  style,  caustic  wit,  skilful  construction  and 
trenchant  truth.  The  chapter  of  maxims  laid  down  by  Blossom 
Brick  is  a masterpiece  of  its  kind.  Mr.  Shapley’s  mastery  of  munici- 
pal politics,  his  pungent  pen  and  his  right  impulses  have  produced 
what  will  everywhere  be  the  flashing  blade  of  reform.” — The  Phila- 
delphia Press. 

“ It  carries  the  American  political  system  into  the  dissecting  room, 
and  pitilessly  exposes  the  hidden  seat  of  the  disease.  ...  Its  interest 
is  so  great,  and  the  conclusions  which  seem  naturally  to  follow  its 
story  pierce  the  soul  and  marrow  of  modern  English  politics  with  so 
true  and  acute  a rapier-point,  that  representative  Radicals  like  Mr. 
Chamberlain,  or  disguised  Radicals,  as  is  Lord  Randolph  Churchill, 
might  well  republish  the  work  for  gratuitous  distribution  in  the  still 
unenlightened  and  unregenerate  constituencies.” — Fortnightly  Re- 
view,, “ In  Philisda,”  by  Sir  Lepel  Henry  Griffin. 

“ It  is  certain  to  attract  as  much  attention  in  all  the  misruled 
cities  of  the  Union  as  did  Judge  Tourgee’s  ‘ Fool’s  Errand’  in  na- 
tional politics.  ...  It  is  one  of  the  most  searching  satires  on  muni- 
cipal boss  rule  that  has  ever  been  given  to  the  public.” — San  Fran- 
cisco Golden  Fra. 

“ One  of  the  most  entertaining  books  of  the  day.  . . . Every  man 
acquainted  with  municipal  politics  in  New  Orleans  may  find  a graphic 
picture  in  this  volume  of  some  influential  emanation  of  the  gutters  or 
cheap  grog-shop,  who  has  become,  through  machine  methods,  the 
agency  of  rings  and  bosses,  both  rich  in  pocket  and  influential  in 
public  affairs.” — New  Orleans  States. 

“ Paints  to  the  life  the  workings  of  the  municipal  boss  system  that 
has  worked  great  evil  in  cities  like  New  York,  Philadelphia,  Boston, 
Baltimore,  Cincinnati  and  Chicago.” — Providence  Journal. 

“ The  graphic  pictures  it  draws  find  their  counterpart  in  every 
other  city  where  machine  methods  dominate.  Its  author  is  evidently 
familiar  with  the  whole  ‘boss’  system  in  all  of  its  phases.” — Albany 
Evening  Journal. 

“ Very  bright  and  witty,  full  of  sharp  thrusts  at  the  illiterate  rogues 
who  run  the  machine,  and,  as  a political  satire,  has  seldom  had  an 
equal.” — Washington  Herald. 

“One  of  the  brightest  satires  of  the  day.  It  hits  off  in  excellent 
style  the  political  methods  in  vogue  in  large  cities.” — Boston  Post. 

“ A satirical,  graphic,  and  very  amusing  account  of  the  general 
corruption  and  debasement  to  which  the  Caucus  system  and  the  Irish 
vote  have  reduced  American  politics  is  given  in  the  true  story,  ‘ Solid 
for  Mulhooly  ’ which  we  begin  in  this  week’s  England .” — England. 


HIS  PORTRAIT. 


(. Frontispiece .) 


Copyrighted,  1889,  by  Gebbie  & Co. 


Solid  for  Mulhooly 


A Political.  Satire 


BY 

RUFUS  E.  SH  APEEY 


' “Cats  that  go  ratting  don't  wear  gloves  ” 

’ — Spanish  Proverb 


NEW  EDITION 

WITH  ORIGINAL  ILLUSTRATIONS 
BY 

THOMAS  NAST 


Philadelphia 

GEBBIE)  & CO.,  Publishers 

1889 


Copyrighted,  1889,  by  GebbiE  & Co. 


PREFACE. 


CHIS  sketch  of  u Boss-rule’ J was  first  pub- 
lished in  1881,  at  a time  when  the  respecta- 
ble people  of  New  York,  Philadelphia  and 
other  large  cities  were  engaged  in  one  of  their 
periodical  struggles  to  throw  off  the  yoke  of  their 
local  political  masters,  and  were,  for  once,  making 
an  honest  and  serious  effort  at  self-government  by 
trying  to  select  their  own  municipal  officers.  It 
seems  hardly  necessary  to  say  that  it  was  not  es- 
pecially aimed  at  any  particular  city,  but  was  an 
attempt  to  give  a picture  of  i 4 the  Machine  5 ’ cal- 
culated to  help  those  who  denounce  u Boss-rule,  ” 
but  assist  in  perpetuating  it,  to  a better  under- 
standing of  what  u the  Machine”  is,  how  it  is 
built  up,  and  how  its  power  is  exercised  and 
maintained — wherever  “ the  Machine”  exists. 

As  it  has  been  out  of  print  for  several  years 
(owing  mainly  to  a desire  to  correct  some  errors  in 

(7) 


8 


preface. 


the  first  editions),  and  as  constant  demands  are 
made  for  copies  which  cannot  be  supplied — not- 
withstanding the  fact  that  it  has  been  widely  cir- 
culated by  republication  in  the  columns  of  news- 
papers in  this  country  and  in  England — a new  and 
revised  edition  seems  to  be  needed. 

If  any  one  can  be  found  innocent  enough  to  sup- 
pose that  because  the  people,  here  and  there,  have 
succeeded  in  temporarily  overthrowing  a ‘ ‘ Boss  ’ ’ 
or  set  of  ‘ ‘ Bosses,  ’ ’ Mulhoolyism  has  become  a 
thing  of  the  past — at  least  in  his  city — let  him  take 
off  his  party  spectacles  for  a moment  and  study  the 
political  conditions  right  around  him,  through  the 
medium  of  his  local  newspapers  ; and  then,  when 
his  eyes  have  been  somewhat  opened  to  the  truth, 
if  they  should  by  chance  rest  upon  these  pages,  he 
may  possibly  find  a meaning  between  the  lines, 
and  may  be  led  to  suspect  that  they  were  not 
written  merely  for  yesterday  or  to-day. 

If  some  one  were  to  collate  and  publish  each 
year  a volume  composed  of  cuttings  from  reliable 
newspapers  throughout  the  country,  properly 
classified,  and  showing  to  what  extent  local  mis- 
government  actually  exists  in  every  large  city, 
notwithstanding  all  previous  efforts  in  the  direc- 
tion of  Reform,  the  result  would  be  found  to  be 
startling.  A single  newspaper  cutting  of  this 
character  is  printed  in  the  Appendix,  as  an  illus- 


PREFACE. 


9 


tration  of  Mulhoolyism  in  one  of  its  most  common 
forms  to-day. 

The  problem  of  securing  good  government  in 
large  cities  under  a form  of  government  like  ours, 
where  a newly-naturalized  foreigner,  possibly  un- 
able to  read  or  speak  our  language,  and  without  a 
dollar  of  taxable  property  in  the  world,  has,  not 
only  a voice  and  a vote,  but — what  is  still  more 
important — a voice  and  vote  equal  to  that  of  the 
President  or  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States  in 
passing  on  all  governmental  issues,  and  quite  as 
potential  as  that  of  an  Astor  or  a Vanderbilt  in 
all  municipal  matters  involving  the  taking, 
through  taxation,  of  the  property  of  our  Astors 
and  Vanderbilts,  and  the  expenditure  of  the  pro- 
ceeds ; where  undiscriminating,  unintelligent  and 
irresponsible  voters  outnumber,  by  five  to  one, 
those  who  give  half  as  much  thought  and  care  to 
the  choice  of  public  officials  as  they  give  to  the 
selection  of  the  clerks  in  their  stores,  counting- 
rooms  and  banks  ; where  boodle- Aldermen  are 
consequently  the  rule,  rather  than  the  exception 
— is  one  that  is  not  likely  to  be  solved  by  this 
generation. 

And  intimately  connected  with  it,  because  it 
lies  at  the  very  foundation  of  popular  government, 
and  not  less  difficult  of  solution,  is  the  problem  of 
securing  the  purity  of  the  ballot-box,  and  pre- 


10 


PREFACE. 


venting  the  election  frauds  which  are  now  notor- 
iously perpetrated,  or  attempted,  to  a greater  or 
less  extent,  at  every  election  in  almost  every 
election  district  in  the  land  ; which,  in  the  Presi- 
dential elections  of  1876  and  1884,  so  nearly  pre- 
cipitated the  country  into  open  revolution,  and 
which,  unless  made  impossible,  may,  at  any  time 
in  the  near  future,  produce  results  so  disastrous 
that  one  does  not  care  to  contemplate  them. 

These  two  vast  problems  must  be  solved — not 
theoretically,  but  practically — before  we  can 
surely  say  that  our  American  experiment  at  self- 
government  is  not  a failure. 

The  very  first  step,  however,  towards  their  so- 
lution is  to  compel  the  people  generally  to  under- 
stand exactly  how  and  why  these  evils  are  made 
possible , so  that,  understanding  the  cause,  they 
may  be  willing  to  assist  in  securing  such  amend- 
mendents  to  our  State  and  Federal  Constitutions 
as  may  be  found  necessary  in  order  to  provide  the 
remedy. 

Every  effort  towards  that  end,  however  humble 
or  imperfect  it  may  be,  is  a step  in  the  right  di- 
rection, and  that  is  all  that  the  author  can  say  in 
defense  of  this  sketch  of  “ Ring- rule.” 

Philadelphia, 

December  25,  1888. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER 

I.  Michael  Mulhooly — His  Antecedents  . 

II.  His  First  School  

III.  Learns  the  A B C of  Politics  . 

IV.  Studies  the  x y z of  Politics  . 

V.  An  Upward  Leap 

VI.  A Modern  Statesman 

VII.  A Digression 

VIII.  A Political  Gamaliel 

IX.  The  Machine 

X.  Mulhooly  Thinks  of  Himself  . 

XI.  The  Boss 

XII.  Mulhooly  Feeds  with  the  Gods  . 

XIII.  One  of  the  City  Fathers 

XIV.  A Great  Public  Danger 

(11) 


15 

19 

24 

29 

34 

4i 

49 

54 

61 

7i 

76 

81 

86 

97 


12 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  PAGK 

XV.  The  Canvass  . 107 

XVI.  The  Convention  . • • . • . .117 

XVII.  The  Voice  of  the  Press 133 

XVIII.  Trouble 140 

XIX.  Justice 145 

XX.  A Judge  Challenged 168 

XXI.  One  Way  to  Run  a Campaign  . . . .172 

XXII.  Another  Way  to  Run  a Campaign  ....  183 

XXIII.  The  Result 198 


Appendix— -Daddy  Rat  as  Jail-keeper 


. 204 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS, 


PAGE 

His  Portrait  ....  Frontispiece 

His  Birthplace 16 

His  First  School 20 

The  Ballot  Box— 

‘One  election  officer  well  in  hand  is  worth  a score 

of  voters  on  the  half-shell”  ....  57 

The  Great  Supreme 70 

The  Kicker’s  Fate 104 

Ingratitude 139 

Political  Twins— 

“And  the  Judge  came  down  and  shook  hands  with 

Michael  Mulhooly  ” 166 

The  Genius  of  the  Ring— 

“The  Boss’s  ‘ I Will  ’ is  the  Readers’  ‘ We  Must  ’ ” 185 


Practice  vs.  Theory  . 


203 


uIKooIy. 

t- 


I. 

• Michael  Mulhooly — His  Antecedents. 

mICHAElv  MULHOOLY  owed  noth- 
ing of  his  greatness  to  high  birth  or 
early  advantages.  On  the  contrary, 
when  he  first  opened  his  eyes  his  surround- 
ings must  have  struck  his  infant  mind  as 
offering  far  from  encouraging  prospects  to  one 
about  to  begin  life. 

The  ancestral  halls  of  the  Mulhoolys,  sit- 
uated among  the  bogs  of  County  Tyrone,  Ire- 
land, consisted  of  a cabin  of  the  style  of  archi- 
tecture then  fashionable  in  that  section  of  the 
country,  containing  a single  apartment,  in- 

(15) 


16 


MICHAEL  MULHOOLY. 


habited,  at  the  moment  of  his  birth,  by  his 
parents,  ten  rapidly-maturing  pledges  of  their 
love,  and  two  pigs,  which,  encouraged  by  the 
example  of  the  elder  Mulhoolys,  annually 
contributed  somewhat  more  than  their  share 
towards  the  common  wealth.  These  humble 
but  faithful  dependents  of  the  family  joined 
their  voices  to  the  general  welcome  which 
greeted  the  arrival  of  the  future  statesman, 
and,  as  soon  as  he  was  able  to  crawl  upon  the 
cabin  floor,  they  treated  him  as  foster-brother 
to  their  own  latest  addition  to  the  family  cir- 
cle. Thus  his  infancy,  like  that  of  so  many 
of  his  countrymen  who  have  become  leaders 
of  men  in  our  own  free  and  happy  coun- 
try, was  spent  in  a condition  of  poverty 
and  squalor  not  apparently  conducive  to  ex- 
ceptional mental  growth,  but  which  is,  never- 
theless, as  experience  has  demonstrated,  es- 
pecially calculated  to  develop  a genius  for 
leadership  in  American  politics. 

Education,  such  as  is  derived  from  books, 
he  did  not  acquire  as  he  advanced  towards  the 
years  of  manhood,  on  account  of  circum- 
stances over  which  he  had  no  control.  The 


Copyrighted,  1889,  by  Gebbie  & Co. 


MICHAEL  MULHOOLY. 


17 


fact  is,  there  was  not  a school-house,  or  a 
school-teacher,  and  probably  not  a printed 
book  of  any  kind,  within  fifty  miles  of  his 
parental  home.  The  Mulhoolys  had  not 
learned  to  regard  it  as  a disgrace  that  no 
member  of  the  family  of  their  acquaintance 
had  ever  learned  to  read  and  write.  Had 
such  a view  of  the  case  been  suggested  to 
them,  they  would,  doubtless,  have  pointed 
proudly  to  that  long  line  of  Irish  kings,  from 
whom  they,  and  all  of  their  countrymen,  are 
descended,  not  one  of  whom  had  ever  trou- 
bled himself  to  acquire  such  useless  accom- 
plishments. 

When  Michael  was  eighteen  years  of  age, 
chance  brought  about  a change  in  his  life 
which  laid  the  foundation  of  his  fortunes,  and 
proved  to  be  the  starting-point  in  his  career 
of  greatness.  Dennis  Mulhooly,  a distant 
cousin,  while  on  a visit  to  the  tombs  of  his 
ancestors,  conceived  the  idea  of  taking  the 
boy  back  with  him  to  America,  and  putting 
him  at  work  in  his  saloon,  known  as  the 
“ Tenth  District  House,  by  Mr.  Dennis  Mul- 
hooly.”  So  Michael,  not  unwillingly,  yet  not 


18 


MICHAEL  MULHOOLY. 


without  many  tears,  bade  farewell  to  that 
beautiful  green  isle  which — as  all  his  coun- 
trymen from  time  immemorial  have  sworn, 
and  until  time  shall  be  no  more  will  continue 
to  swear — is  the  finest  spot  of  green  earth  on 
this  large  globe ; but  which,  nevertheless,  so 
many  of  them  leave  at  the  first  opportunity, 
and  to  which  so  few  of  them  ever  return  in 
the  flesh — owing  probably  to  the  surprising 
dearth  of  native  talent  for  statesmanship 
which  they  discover  here  as  soon  as  they  land 
upon  our  hospitable  shores. 


II. 

His  First  School. 

UPON  his  arrival  Michael  Mulhooly  be- 
gan at  the  very  foot  of  the  ladder. 
The  “Tenth  District  House,  by  Mr. 
Dennis  Mulhooly,”  was  not  situated  in  what 
certain  people  would  call  a fashionable  neigh- 
borhood, nor  was  it  patronized  by  the  most 
exclusive  circles  of  society.  Ministers  of  the 
gospel,  bank  presidents,  and  merchant 
princes  never  crossed  its  threshold.  Public 
banquets  to  foreign  potentates,  men  of  letters 
and  great  generals,  were  never  given  in  this 
hostelry.  There  were  safer  places  in  the 
world  for  a man  to  fall  asleep  in,  if  he  wished 
to  retain  his  watch  or  pocket-book. 

An  oyster  counter,  a bar,  three  or  four 
chairs,  and  a stove,  comprised  all  the  furni- 
ture of  the  one  low  room  where  Mr.  Dennis 
2 (19) 


20 


HIS  FIRST  SCHOOL. 


Mulhooly  catered  to  the  appetites  of  the  pub- 
lic. Two  men  were  all  the  assistants  he  had 
required  prior  to  the  arrival  of  Michael,  who 
was  immediately  installed  in  the  responsible 
but  unremunerative  post  of  boy-of-all-work. 
He  scrubbed  the  floor,  carried  out  oyster- 
shells,  made  fires,  ran  errands,  and  occasion- 
ally lent  a hand  behind  the  oyster-counter 
and  the  bar.  But  he  was  happy.  For  the 
first  time  in  his  life  he  knew  the  luxury  of 
having  enough  to  eat,  a warm  place  in  which 
to  sleep  when  it  was  cold,  and  clothing 
enough  to  cover  his  entire  body.  He  re- 
ceived no  wages  beyond  his  board  and  cloth- 
ing, but  an  occasional  dime,  earned  by  some 
menial  service  cheerfully  performed,  lit  up 
his  dreams  with  the  rose  tints  of  approaching 
prosperity  and  made  him  smile  in  his  sleep. 

But  this  humble  bar-room,  or  low  grog- 
gery,  if  you  please,  was  the  school-room  in 
which  his  first  lessons  of  life  were  learned, 
and  where  was  revealed  to  his  young  ambi- 
tion the  shining  ladder,  like  that  which  Jacob 
saw  in  a dream,  leading  up  to  the  political 
Olympus  upon  which  he  was  destined  one 
day  to  stand  and  talk  with  the  gods. 


Copyrighted,  1889,  by  Gebbie  & Co. 


HIS  FIRST  SCHOOL. 


21 


Here  the  party-workers  of  the  district  were 
wont  to  congregate  to  discuss  the  affairs  of 
the  nation ; and  here,  prior  to  party  conven- 
tions, occasionally  came  the  leaders  of  the 
ward,  and,  sometimes,  those  greater  states- 
men whose  comprehensive  minds  ward-limits 
could  not  confine,  to  make  those  preliminary 
political  arrangements  for  the  good  of  the 
country,  which  they  call  “ getting  in  their 
work.” 

Why  continue  to  talk  of  the  free-school  on 
the  hillside  as  the  hope  of  the  Republic,  when 
every  day,  under  your  very  eyes,  you  see  the 
indubitable  proof  that  the  despised  grog-shop 
is  the  true  birthplace  of  statesmanship,  and 
the  maligned  gin-mill  the  very  cradle  in  which 
shall  be  rocked  into  manhood  the  coming 
American  politician  ? 

It  was  not  surprising  that  the  visits  of 
these  great  men  gave  to  the  young  Irish  lad 
glimpses  of  a world  which  seemed  very  far 
above  him,  and  in  which  he  hardly  yet  dared 
to  hope  some  day  to  live  and  move.  It  was 
not  surprising  that  the  fluency  of  their  con- 
versation about  politics,  sporting  matters,  and 


/ 


22  HIS  FIRST  SCHOOL. 

the  women  of  their  acquaintance ; the  rich- 
ness and  elegance  of  their  clothing,  the  mas- 
siveness of  their  watch-chains,  the  size  of 
their  seal  rings,  the  brilliancy  of  their  dia- 
monds, their  lavish  expenditure  of  money, 
and  the  lordly  grace  with  which  they  smoked 
the  fragrant  “ Reina  Victoria,”  and  ordered 
Pat,  the  barkeeper,  to  “ set  ’em  up  agin,”  or 
“ open  another  bot.,”  dazzled  his  young  im- 
agination and  fired  his  soul  with  the  daring 
ambition  to  be,  some  day,  so  great  a man  and 
so  polished  a gentleman. 

As  he  approached  the  age  of  manhood,  his 
eyes  were  opened  to  his  want  of  education  and 
the  advantages  which  he  might  derive  from 
being  able  to  read  and  write.  Nothing 
daunted  by  the  difficulties  before  him,  he  set 
to  work  in  his  leisure  moments,  under  Pat’s 
instructions,  to  master  these  accomplish- 
ments. It  was  slow  work  for  such  a pupil, 
under  such  a tutor,  but  other  men  have  be- 
come senators,  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court, 
aye,  and  even  Presidents,  who  began  to  study 
under  scarcely  more  favorable  circumstances. 
Michael  had  industry,  perseverance  and  am- 


HIS  FIRST  SCHOOL. 


23 


bition,  and,  though  great  was  his  labor,  great 
also  was  his  reward.  When  he  became  able 
to  spell  out,  in  the  Police  Record , or  the 
Sporting  Mari's  Own , the  chaste  and  graphic 
accounts  of  the  latest  prize-fight,  he  felt 
something  of  that  mental  exaltation  with 
which  more  fortunate  school-boys  read  of  the 
days  and  deeds  of  chivalry,  when  kings  and 
princes  contended  in  knightly  tourney.  And, 
as  he  read  of  these  exhibitions  of  science  and 
courage,  he  longed  to  be  some  day  spoken  of 
as  a Heenan,  a Morrissey,  a Mace,  or  a 
Sayers. 

He  lost  no  opportunity  to  perfect  himself 
in  the  manly  art,  and,  as  opportunities  for 
practice  were  not  wanting  in  his  neighbor- 
hood, before  he  had  reached  the  age  of  man- 
hood he  had  won  the  reputation  of  being  the 
hardest  hitter  and  most  scientific  sparrer  in 
that  end  of  the  ward. 

Happy  the  youth  who  wisely  selects  his 
ideal  of  true  manhood,  and  molds  his  own 
life  in  strict  accordance  with  its  bright  ex- 
ample ! 


III. 


Learns  the  A B C of  Politics. 

BEFORE  he  came  of  age  he  had  com- 
mended himself  to  the  party-workers 
who  frequented  the  saloon  by  acting 
at  the  polls  as  the  representative  of  a gentle- 
manly young  clerk,  who,  when  he  offered  to 
vote  in  person,  was  surprised  at  being  told 
that  he  had  already  voted  at  an  hour  when  he 
could  have  sworn  he  was  perfecting  his  toilet, 
and  who,  after  being  rudely  hustled  from  the 
polls,  was  glad  enough  to  escape  being 
beaten  and  afterwards  arrested  on  the  charge 
of  attempting  to  violate  the  sanctity  of  the 
ballot. 

At  the  age  of  twenty-one  Michael  Mul- 
hooly  was  duly  naturalized. 

It  was  true  that,  by  the  ordinary  methods 
of  computing  time,  he  supposed  he  had  only 

(24) 


THE  A B C OF  POLITICS. 


25 


spent  two  years  in  this  country ; but  as  the 
records  of  the  court  showed  that  two  highly 
respectable  citizens,  known  to  and  approved 
by  the  court,  had  made  solemn  oath  that  they 
had  personally  known  the  applicant  for  up- 
wards of  five  years,  during  which  time  he  had 
actually  resided  in  this  country,  and  that  he 
was  well  disposed  to  the  Government  and 
familiar  with  its  Constitution,  it  was  evident 
that  the  stringent  naturalization  laws  of  the 
United  States  had  not  been  abused. 

He  was  now  clothed  in  the  full  panoply  of 
American  citizenship.  The  political 

* ‘ world  was  all  before  him  where  to  choose, 

And  Providence  his  guide.  ” 

There  was  no  office  of  election  or  appoint- 
ment, from  constable  to  United  States  Sena- 
tor, to  which  he  might  not  lawfully  and  hope- 
fully aspire.  His  brand-new  certificate  of 
citizenship  was  far  from  a disadvantage  to 
him.  Judging  from  the  experience  of  so 
many  of  his  countrymen,  it  was  rather  a 
passport  to  place  and  a title-deed  to  a re- 
versionary interest  in  the  offices  which  they 


26 


THE  A B C OF  POLITICS. 


were  holding,  as  soon  as  he  could  dispossess 
them.  Only  the  office  of  President  of  the 
United  States  was  hopelessly  beyond  his 
reach ; or,  not  hopelessly,  if  the  rapidly  in- 
creasing foreign-born  population  of  this 
country  shall  determine  to  erase  from  the 
Constitution  of  their  adopted  country  that 
invidious  discrimination  in  favor  of  native- 
born  citizens  which  defaces  it. 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  record  the  fact 
that  Michael  Mulhooly  did  not  neglect  to  vote 
at  the  election  immediately  following  his  nat- 
uralization. Indeed,  from  his  own  state- 
ments, made  that  night  while  celebrating  his 
political  second  birth,  so  great  was  his  fear 
that  his  vote  might  not  be  properly  counted 
in  his  own  Election  District,  that  he  took  the 
precaution  to  deposit  another  constitutional 
expression  of  his  will  in  an  adjoining  Dis- 
trict; and,  to  still  further  protect  his  newly- 
acquired  rights  of  citizenship,  he  repeated 
this  precaution  against  fraud  in  two  other 
Districts  more  remote  from  his  home.  The 
wisdom  of  this  course  was  highly  commended 
by  all  his  hearers ; and  some  of  them,  with 


THE  A B C OF  POLITICS. 


27 


prophetic  eye,  even  looked  forward  to  the  time 
when  the  country  would  be  proud  of  its 
newly-adopted  child. 

Owing  to  a misfortune  which  befell  Pat 
about  this  time,  resulting  in  his  temporary 
withdrawal  from  the  active  labors  of  life,  by 
reason  of  his  mistaking  the  ownership  of  a 
watch,  which  he  said  had  been  dropped  upon 
the  floor  by  a belated  individual  who  had  lost 
his  bearings  and  wandered  into  the  saloon 
very  late  one  night — Michael  was  promoted 
to  the  post  of  regular  bar-keeper,  with  a sal- 
ary nominally  fixed,  but  virtually  to  be  de- 
termined by  himself. 

This  promotion  enlarged  his  opportunities 
for  prosecuting  his  political  studies.  It  placed 
him  at  once  upon  terms  of  easy  familiarity 
with  the  statesmen  of  his  acquaintance  who 
dropped  in,  after  a night  spent  in  emulating 
the  moral  practices  of  the  Roman  emperors, 
for  that  inspiriting  morning  drink  which 
Anacreon  named  a “ cock-tail,”  but  which 
Catullus  always  insisted,  down  to  the  day  of 
his  death,  should  be  called  “ an  eye-opener.” 
Besides,  it  initiated  him  into  that  mystic 


28 


THE  A B C OF  POLITICS. 


brotherhood — that  ancient,  honorable  and 
well-dressed  order  founded  ages  ago  by  one 
Ganymede — which  has,  in  every  age,  exer- 
cised such  a mysterious  and  powerful  influ- 
ence over  its  politicians  and  legislators.  No 
wonder  that  the  poet  said,  “ Let  me  mix  a 
nation’s  cock-tails  and  I care  not  who  makes 
its  laws.” 


IV. 


Studies  the  x y z of  Politics. 


ST  the  next  election  he  took  another 
forward  step  in  his  political  studies. 
Six  brand-new  American  citizens 
from  a neighboring  city  were  so  anxious  to 
prove  their  gratitude  to  the  Government  for 
adopting  them,  and  so  determined  to  put 
down  its  enemies,  that,  dropping  all  business 
at  home,  they  hurried  over  to  this  city  and 
placed  their  services  at  the  disposal  of  the 
Hon.  Hugh  McCann,  a member  of  the  State 
Legislature,  to  whom  the  City  Committee  had 
given  $1,000  to  place  where  it  would  do  the 
most  good.  These  public-spirited  men  were 
provided  with  lodgings  over  the  “ Tenth  Dis- 
trict House  by  Mr.  Dennis  Mulhooly,”  and 
to  Michael  was  intrusted  the  delicate  duty  of 

guiding  them  to  the  Election  Districts  in 

(29) 


30 


THE  X y Z OF  POLITICS. 


which  the  committee  had  decided  they  could 
best  serve  their  country. 

One  of  these  gentlemen  had  the  misfortune 
to  resemble  a well-known  kleptomaniac  whom 
the  police  authorities  of  his  own  city  were 
anxious  to  persuade  to  return  to  the  sumptu- 
ous apartments  which  they  had  provided  for 
him  in  the  hope  of  curing  his  malady  by 
keeping  him  from  temptation.  This  resem- 
blance struck  an  overly  zealous  police  officer 
near  the  polls  so  forcibly,  that  he  insisted 
upon  taking  the  would-be  voter,  along  with 
Michael,  to  the  nearest  station-house  for  iden- 
tification. To  this  unconstitutional  interfer- 
ence with  a voter  while  in  the  exercise  of  the 
elective  franchise  Michael  strongly  objected, 
and  commenced  to  discuss  the  constitutional 
questions  involved  with  so  much  spirit  and 
force  that  the  officer,  overcome  by  his  argu- 
ments, twice  lay  down  upon  the  pavement, 
while  Michael  persisted  in  his  effort  to  im- 
press upon  him  the  soundness  of  his  own 
views  of  the  case.  While  thus  occupied  a 
squad  of  policemen  under  the  command  of  a 
sergeant  came  up,  and  mistaking  the  mean- 


THE  X y Z OF  politics. 


31 


ing  of  Michael’s  gestures,  captured  him,  and, 
not  without  some  difficulty,  at  last  got  him 
inside  the  station-house,  where  they  preferred 
against  him  charges  of  “ assault  and  battery,” 
“ resisting  an  officer,”  and  “ vouching  for  a 
repeater  ” known  to  them  as  “ Big  Pat.” 

Michael’s  detention,  however,  lasted  for 
only  a few  minutes,  for  Hon.  Hugh  McCann, 
who  had  heard  of  the  misunderstanding,  came 
to  hunt  him  up,  entered  bail  for  his  appear- 
ance, and  assured  him  that  early  in  the 
morning  he  would  himself  see  the  Boss,  who 
would  see  Judge  Coke  and  have  the  whole 
thing  “ squared.”  Michael  had  not  yet 
reached  that  clause  in  the  Constitution  which 
referred  to  the  office  of  Boss,  and,  therefore, 
he  failed  to  understand,  as  clearly  as  he  would 
have  done  a few  years  later,  the  nature  of 
this  office  and  the  process  of  getting  such 
matters  “ squared.” 

He  had  now  won  his  political  spurs.  He 
had  proved  himself  worthy  of  citizenship. 
He  had  given  unmistakable  evidences  of  pos- 
sessing talents  with  which,  by  proper  train- 
ing, he  could  not  fail  to  make  his  mark  upon 


32 


THE  x y 2 OF  POLITICS. 


the  political  history  of  his  country.  He  had 
voted  once  before  he  was  of  age ; had  voted 
four  times  at  the  election  immediately  suc- 
ceeding his  naturalization ; at  the  following 
election  had  led  to  the  polls  six  citizens  whose 
votes  it  was  known  would  be  challenged,  and 
had  succeeded  in  persuading  the  election  of- 
ficers to  receive  five  of  them ; had  twice 
knocked  down  a police  officer  who  interfered 
with  him  while  he  was  discharging  this  deli- 
cate and  important  public  duty,  and  was 
already  under  indictment  for  an  alleged  vio- 
lation of  the  election  laws,  as  well  as  for  an 
alleged  assault  upon  an  officer  of  the  law. 

Such  talents  are  well  known  to  be  more 
useful  in  politics  than  a knowledge  of  Greek 
prosody,  or  familiarity  with  the  writings  of 
Adam  Smith.  Such  men  never  fail  to  re- 
ceive that  recognition  from  the  party  leaders 
to  which  such  invaluable  party  services  en- 
title them,  and,  accordingly,  Michael  Mul- 
hooly  was  immediately  placed  upon  his  Ward 
Committee,  and,  at  the  next  election,  was 
duly  appointed  by  the  court  an  election  officer 
to  fill  a vacancy,  at  the  instance  of  one  of  the 


THE  x y z OF  POLITICS. 


33 


ward  leaders  who  was  a candidate  for  consta- 
ble. This  duty  he  also  discharged  so  suc- 
cessfully that  when  the  returns  were  made 
up  by  the  election  officers,  it  was  found  that 
his  candidate  for  constable  had  received 
nearly  a hundred  more  votes  than  those  who 
kept  the  lists  could  account  for,  or  believed 
had  been  cast. 

Thus  he  commenced  to  comprehend  those 
unknown  quantities  in  politics  which  so  ma- 
terially affect  results. 


V. 


An  Upward  Leap. 

TT  LOUT  this  time  Michael  Mulhooly 
AA  formed  an  acquaintance  by  which  he 
was  enabled,  at  a single  jump,  to 
mount  several  rounds  of  the  political  ladder 
which,  in  his  young  dreams,  he  had  seen 
leading  from  obscurity  to  that  Olympus  above 
the  clouds  where  the  political  gods  sit  and 
control  the  destinies  of  men. 

This  acquaintance  he  owed  partly  to  his 
personal  charms,  partly  to  his  recognized  po- 
sition among  the  party  leaders  of  his  ward, 
and  partly  to  his  fame  as  an  athlete  who 
could  hit  straight  from  the  shoulder,  and  who 
was  always  ready  to  enter  the  lists  and  con- 
tend with  the  officers  of  the  law.  He  had  by 
this  time  learned  how  to  improve  his  natural 
personal  advantages  by  those  arts  of  dress 

(34) 


An  upward  leap. 


35 


which  gentlemen  of  his  class  so  well  under- 
stand. As  he  sauntered  along  the  fashion- 
able thoroughfares  on  Saturday  afternoons 
when  he  was  off  duty,  clad  in  light  plaid 
breeches,  tight  at  the  knee  and  thence  curving 
gracefully  until  nearly  the  whole  foot  was 
hidden,  cut-away  coat  of  darker  plaid  pattern, 
trim  at  the  waist,  and  with  shoulders  project- 
ing like  the  . eaves  of  a Swiss  chalet,  red  silk 
cravat,  Derby  hat,  yellow  kid  gloves,  and 
fancy-headed  cane,  you  knew  at  a glance  that 
you  beheld  one  of  those  butterflies  of  the 
sidewalk  known  as  “ mashers.” 

It  was  not  strange,  therefore,  that  all  these 
advantages  of  person,  position  and  reputation 
won  the  regard  of  a woman  some  years  his 
senior,  whose  house,  situated  within  a square 
of  his  saloon,  was  frequented  by  most  of  the 
political  leaders  of  his  acquaintance.  Nor 
was  it  strange  that,  flattered  by  her  uncon- 
cealed preference,  he  became  a constant  visitor 
at  her  house,  her  escort  to  the  fashionable 
minstrel  halls  and  variety  shows  which  she 
loved  to  frequent,  and  stood  ready  at  all  times, 
like  a knight  of  old,  to  throw  down  the  gage 


36 


AN  UPWARD  LEAP. 


of  battle  to  any  wbo  dared  dispute  her  right 
to  the  title  of  Queen  of  Love  and  Beauty. 

In  her  society,  and  that  which  she  drew 
around  her,  his  manners  rapidly  acquired 
much  of  that  polish  which  he  had  formerly 
so  much  admired  in  his  exemplars,  and  which 
afterwards  contributed  so  largely  to  his  own 
popularity  and  success  in  life. 

In  return  for  the  many  delicate  services 
which  she  received  from  him  she  gave  him  a 
plentiful  supply  of  pocket-money,  many  arti- 
cles of  jewelry  indispensable  to  a gentleman  in 
his  station,  a diamond  shirt-stud,  and.,  when 
Dennis  concluded  to  purchase  a larger  saloon 
in  another  portion  of  the  city,  the  necessary 
capital  to  buy  out  the  old  saloon,  repaint,  and 
refit  it,  and  commence  business  for  himself. 

That  was  a proud  night  for  Michael  when, 
standing  for  the  first  time  in  front  of  his  own 
bar,  while  the  radiance  of  his  diamond  almost 
blinded  his  new  barkeeper,  he  invited  up  a 
number  of  his  political  friends  who  had  as- 
sembled to  offer  him  their  congratulations, 
and  himself  gave  the  order  he  had  so  often 
obeyed,  to  “ set  ’em  up  all  round.” 


AN  UPWARD  LEAP. 


37 


O Michael  Mulhooly,  honored  representa- 
tive of  a wealthy  and  aristocratic  constituency ! 
if,  dozing  in  thy  seat  in  the  nation’s  Capitol, 
thou  didst  ever  cast  thy  mental  eye  back  along 
the  long  line  of  thy  many  triumphs  and 
achievements,  say,  was  not  that  the  supreme 
moment  of  moments,  fullest  of  pride  and 
gratified  ambition  and  unutterable  bliss,  when 
thou  didst  utter,  for  the  first  time  in  thy  life, 
that  memorable  order  to  thy  trembling  de- 
pendent, “ Larry,  set  ’em  up  all  round  ? ” 

But  the  most  important  of  the  many  ad- 
vantages which  he  derived  from  his  associa- 
tion with  that  generous  woman — over  whose 
unmarked  and  nameless  grave,  alas ! the 
winter  winds  now  wail — was  an  acquaintance 
he  formed  at  her  house  which  greatly  in- 
fluenced his  own  career  and  materially  af- 
fected the  political  history  of  his  country. 

Among  the  many  men  of  note  in  local 
politics  who  delighted  to  spend  their  evenings 
in  the  gay  circle  which  she  drew  around  her, 
and  who  welcomed  Michael  into  their  midst 
and  gladly  accorded  to  him  that  high  degree 
of  consideration  which  was  his  due,  as  the 


38 


AN  UPWARD  LEVP. 


recognized  favorite  of  their  hostess,  was  one 
Blossom  Brick,  who  was  a leader  of  leaders 
in  municipal  politics,  and  whose  influence 
was  recognized  in  state  and  national  conven- 
tions. Over  the  wine-cup  and  out.  of  the 
confidences  of  the  midnight  revel  the  casual 
acquaintance  of  these  two  men  ripened  into  a 
close  and  intimate  friendship,  resulting  from  a 
similarity  of  tastes  and  pursuits.  Blossom 
Brick  was  not  slow  to  perceive  that  a man 
like  Michael,  broad  of  shoulder,  muscular, 
fearless  and  always  ready  for  a fight,  could 
be  of  service  to  him  in  many  ways.  In  the 
early  days  of  their  acquaintance  this  was 
proved  to  him  in  a manner  which  he  could 
not  soon  forget.  Late  one  night,  just  after 
they  had  parted  at  Michael’s  door,  while  Brick 
was  waiting  to  hail  some  passing  cab,  a poor 
devil  whom  he  had  caused  to  be  discharged 
from  the  Custom-House  for  voting  contrary 
to  his  wishes  in  a ward  convention,  rendered 
desperate  by  the  prospect  of  starvation  for 
himself  and  his  little  family,  and  maddened 
by  the  rum  which  he  had  been  drinking,  sud- 
denly sprang  upon  the  unsuspecting  leader, 


AN  UPWARD  LEAP. 


39 


felled  him  with  a powerful  blow,  jumped 
upon  him,  and  threatened  to  avenge  the 
wrongs,  for  which  the  law  gave  him  no 
redress,  by  scattering  upon  the  pavement  the 
brains  that  toiled  so  ceaselessly  for  the  public. 
For  an  instant  Blossom  Brick  was  compelled 
to  look  death  squarely  in  the  face,  and,  realiz- 
ing his  imminent  danger,  his  cry  for  help 
rang  sharply  out  on  the  stillness  of  the  night 
and  the  lonely  street.  Fortunately  it  was  heard 
by  Michael,  who  sprang  out  just  in  time  to 
save  his  friend  from  a terrible  blow ; and  then 
he  punished  the  assailant  so  severely  with 
his  fists  and  his  boots  that  the  poor  devil  had 
to  be  taken  to  a hospital,  where  he  lay  for  six 
weeks  in  a fever,  during  which  time  one  of 
his  children  died,  and  his  wife,  turned  into 
the  streets  with  her  baby  at  her  breast,  was 
compelled  to  seek  shelter  in  the  alms- 
house to  save  herself  and  her  infant  from 
starvation. 

Blossom  Brick,  knowing  of  Michael’s  many 
talents  for  politics,  and  desiring  to  extend  his 
own  empire  over  the  ward  in  which  the 
“ Tenth  District  House  ” was  situated,  under- 


40 


AN  UPWARD  LEAP. 


took,  not  unwillingly,  the  task  of  instructing 
him  further  in  the  mysteries  of  practical 
politics — a task  for  which  he  was  pre-emi- 
nently qualified. 


VI. 

A Modern  Statesman. 

BLOSSOM  BRICK  had  commenced  life 
by  learning  a respectable  trade;  had 
married  a respectable  girl  as'  poor  as 
himself,  and  for  nearly  ten  years  had  earned 
an  honest  living  for  himself  and  his  family 
by  hard  work.  He  owned  the  small  house 
in  which  he  lived,  having  bought  it  out  of 
his  savings,  and  employed  two  workmen,  by 
whose  labor  and  his  own  he  was  able  to  make 
from  $ 1,200  to  $1,500  a year.  Somehow  he 
drifted  into  politics,  for  which  he  rapidly 
acquired  a taste,  and  after  serving  as  a dele- 
gate in  several  conventions,  was  himself 
nominated  for  the  Municipal  Legislature,  and 
elected. 

To  defray  his  expenses  he  was  compelled 

to  mortgage  his  little  house  for  half  its  value. 

(41) 


42 


A MODERN  STATESMAN. 


As  the  office  paid  not  one  cent  in  salary  or 
fees,  and  as  his  income  in  the  best  of  times 
was  but  a small  one,  his  neighbors  were  sur- 
prised that  he  should  be  willing  to  pay  so 
much  for  an  honor  which  they  were  certain 
he  could  not  afford  to  buy  at  any  such  price. 
They  were  also  surprised  to  observe  that  he 
soon  almost  wholly  neglected  his  business, 
and  devoted,  not  only  his  days,  but  also  his 
nights,  to  his  public  duties  and  political  pur- 
suits. But  what  surprised  them  most  of  all 
was  to  see  that,  as  his  business  fell  off,  his 
income,  in  some  unexplained  way,  was  grow- 
ing larger  daily.  The  butcher,  the  baker 
and  the  grocer  could  not  fail  to  note  the  fact 
that  his  bills  with  them  were  more  than  twice 
as  large  as  they  formerly  had  been,  and  that 
they  were  always  promptly  paid  on  presenta- 
tion. Inside  of  a year  the  mortgage  on  the 
house  was  paid  off,  and  the  house  itself  was 
thoroughly  repaired,  repainted  and  refur- 
nished. Two  of  the  children  were  sent  to 
boarding-school,  and  both  himself  and  his 
wife  dressed  in  a manner  which  indicated  the 
possession  of  considerably  more  money  than 


A MODERN  STATESMAN. 


43 


was  necessary  to  support  the  family  in  their 
present  style  of  living. 

When  Blossom  Brick’s  term  expired,  he 
was  re-nominated  and  re-elected ; but  owing 
to  the  liberality  and  popularity  of  his  op- 
ponent, a wealthy  manufacturer,  it  was  gen- 
erally understood  that  his  campaign  expenses 
were  largely  increased  and  that  his  re-election 
had  cost  him  about  $2,000.  He  still  osten- 
sibly carried  on  his  business,  and  continued 
to  employ  two  workmen,  but  he  had  entirely 
ceased  to  give  it  his  personal  attention,  and  it 
was  very  evident  that  he  could  not,  from  their 
labor,  make  much  more  than  sufficed  to  pay 
his  shop  expenses. 

Where,  then,  did  this  largely  increased  in- 
come come  from?  That  was  the  question 
one  neighbor  would  ask  of  another,  when 
talking,  as  neighbors  will  talk,  of  the  affairs 
of  their  more  fortunate  neighbor.  But  while 
they  continued  to  talk  and  to  wonder  he 
continued  on  in  his  strangely  prosperous 
career  and  grew  richer  every  year.  At  first 
he  bought  a house  adjoining  his  own;  then 
a vacant  lot  on  the  other  side  of  his  house ; 


44 


A MODERN  STATESMAN. 


then  two  houses  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
street,  and  before  the  close  of  his  third  term 
he  was  known  to  own  twelve  houses  in  the 
ward  which  he  represented. 

He  was  re-elected  again  and  again  almost 
without  opposition,  so  completely  had  he  got 
the  working  politicians  of  the  ward,  who  busy 
themselves  at  delegate  elections  and  go  to 
conventions,  under  his  control. 

His  constituents  could  not  fail  to  see,  how- 
ever unobservant  they  were,  that  he  was  now 
a man  of  considerable  wealth.  He  wore  a 
diamond  stud  worth  at  least  $1,000;  he  drove 
a pair  of  fast  horses  every  fine  afternoon  to 
the  park,  and  bought  wine  with  the  liberality 
of  a coal-oil  prince ; his  wife  dressed  in  silks 
and  velvets,  and  his  contributions  to  various 
political  organizations,  independent  of  his 
expenses  when  a candidate  for  re-election, 
amounted  to  fully  twice  as  much  as  he  could 
possibly  have  made  out  of  his  business  when 
he  worked  at  it  from  morning  till  night. 
But  he  seldom  even  looked  into  the  shop  now, 
although  the  sign  still  remained  up  and  the 
two  workmen  continued  to  come  and  go,  and  to 


A MODERN  STATESMAN. 


45 


talk  of  the  business  as  though  it  was  their 
own. 

Those  of  his  constituents  who  examined 
his  record  could  not  fail  to  observe  some 
things  in  it  worthy  of  attention.  They  saw 
that  whenever  a bill  was  up  involving  the 
outlay  of  a large  sum  of  public  money,  he 
invariably  voted  in  favor  of  the  expenditure  ; 
that  whenever  a public  improvement  was  pro- 
posed, he  was  an  advocate  of  the  improve- 
ment; that  the  Committee  on  Streets,  of 
which  he  was  a member,  was  constantly  re- 
porting bills  to  open,  pave  and  grade  streets, 
some  of  which  no  mortal  eye  had  seen,  and 
no  mortal  foot  had  ever  trodden  or  would  have 
any  occasion  to  tread  for  years  to  come',  and 
many  of  which  appeared  only  on  the  city 
map  as  spaces  between  imaginary  lines  lead- 
ing from  No-where  to  No-place.  They  also 
saw  that  when  any  corporation  or  citizen  de- 
sired legislation  of  pecuniary  advantage,  his 
services  were,  in  some  way,  and  at  some  time, 
bound  to  be  secured,  or  the  desired  legislation 
failed;  for  Blossom  Brick  had  become  the 


46 


A MODERN  STATESMAN. 


acknowledged  leader  of  the  Municipal  Legis- 
lature. 

He  soon  came  to  look  upon  his  ward  as  a 
property  which  he  owned,  or  as  an  empire 
which  he  had  the  right  to  rule  as  with  a rod 
of  iron.  No  man  in  it  could  hope  for  any 
appointment  except  through  him,  and  no  man 
in  it  dared  be  a candidate  even  for  school 
director  without  his  permission.  He  even 
came  to  look  upon  the  whole  city  as,  in  a 
large  measure,  his  own  private  property.  He 
made  daily  visits  to  each  department  of  the 
city  government  and  demanded  appointments 
for  his  followers  and  the  removal  of  those 
who  disobeyed  him,  as  though  the  depart- 
ment's had  been  created  for  his  exclusive 
benefit. 

He  lived  but  for  the  public.  In  order  that 
the  people  might  make  no  mistakes  he 
dictated  what  nominations  should,  or  should 
not,  be  made.  To  save  the  people  trouble,  he 
selected  in  advance  their  candidates  for  legis- 
lators, for  congressmen,  for  judges.  He  did 
not  hesitate  to  direct  legislators,  congressmen 
and  judges  how  they  should  discharge  their 


A MODERN  STATESMAN. 


47 


public  duties.  His  devotion  to  his  party 
knew  no  bounds.  At  every  important  elec- 
tion he  organized  a campaign  club  which  bore 
his  name,  and  paraded  a thousand  uniformed 
men,  bearing  torches,  and  marching  with  the 
precision  of  veterans.  When  his  form  was 
seen  advancing  at  the  head  of  this  formidable 
column,  briefless  young  barristers  on  the 
sidewalks,  filled  with  vague  yearnings  for 
political  fame,  knelt  in  spirit  before  his 
power,  and  well-fed  millionaires,  standing  at 
the  windows  of  their  club-house,  nodded  ap- 
provingly to  each  other  and  said,  “ There 
goes  a man  whom  the  country  could  not 
afford  to  lose.” 

Such  devotion  to  the  public  deserved  the 
gratitude  of  the  public,  and  that  gratitude 
was  displayed  in  asking  him  no  questions  as 
to  where  his  money  came  from,  or  how  he 
could  grow  rich  by  serving  them  without  any 
salary.  Nor  was  he  insensible  of  the  debt 
of  gratitude  which  the  people  owed  him,  and, 
in  order  to  place  them  under  still  heavier  ob- 
ligations, he  did  not  hesitate  to  extend  his 


48 


A MODERN  STATESMAN. 


empire  over  three  other  wards  as  large  as  his 
own. 

He  thus,  naturally,  came  in  time  to  speak 
of  himself  and  his  political  associates  as 
“ We,  the  people.” 


A Digression . 


OJ 


'HEN  one  man  owns  and  dominates 
four  wards  or  counties  he  becomes  a 
Leader.  Half  a dozen  such  Leaders 
combined  constitute  what  is  called  a Ring. 
When  one  Leader  is  powerful  enough  to  bring 
three  or  four  such  Leaders  under  his  yoke  he 
becomes  a Boss,  and  a Boss  wields  a power 
almost  as  absolute,  while  it  lasts,  as  that  of 
the  Czar  of  Russia  or  the  King  of  Zululand. 

The  Leaders,  the  Ring  and  the  Boss  com- 
bined, constitute  the  modern  system  of  Ameri- 
can politics  which  has  been  found  to  work 
so  successfully  in  all  large  cities,  especially 
in  those  which  are  fortunate  enough  to  have 
secured  a working  majority  of  Leaders  from 
Ireland.  It  has  also  been  tried  with  en- 
couraging results  in  several  of  the  oldest  and 

(49) 


50 


A DIGRESSION. 


largest  States  of  the  .Union ; and  even  with 
all  the  disadvantages  of  American  birth  and 
prejudices,  some  statesmen  of  commanding 
genius  have  been  found  who  could  thus  rule 
their  own  States  absolutely,  for  many  years,  by 
combining  in  themselves  at  once,  all  the  func- 
tions of  the  Leaders,  the  Ring  and  the  Boss. 

The  great  merit  of  this  system  is  that  it 
takes  from  the  people  all  the  trouble  of  self- 
government  and  imposes  that  burden  upon 
the  Leaders,  the  Ring  and  the  Boss,  com- 
pelling them  to  assume  all  the  worriment  of 
selecting  proper  public  servants  and  all  the 
responsibility  of  managing  public  affairs, 
while  it  preserves,  in  unimpaired  purity,  the 
form  of  a “ government  of  the  people,  by  the 
people,  and  for  the  people.” 

It  is  true  that  there  are  still  to  be  found  in 
this  country  some  very  honest  people,  who 
are  so  slow  to  learn,  that  they  cry  out  against 
this  modern  labor-saving  system,  and  prefer 
the  primitive  methods  of  their  grandfathers, 
who,  for  want  of  something  better  to  do,  were 
willing  to  select  their  own  school  directors, 
constables,  judges,  legislators,  governors  and 


A DIGRESSION. 


51 


Presidents,  notwithstanding  the  anxiety  and 
labor  which  it  involved,  as  well  as  the  risk 
of  their  making  unwise  selections. 

It  is  also  true  that  there  are  many  dis- 
appointed office-seekers  whom  the  Leaders, 
the  Ring  and  the  Boss  have,  in  their  com- 
bined wisdom,  found  unfitted  for  the  public 
service,  who  go  about  declaiming  against 
what  they  call  Ring-rule  and  Boss-rule,  and 
magnifying  what  they  pretend  are*  the  evil 
results  of  the  operation  of  this  beneficent 
system.  The  impartial  historian  of  our 
times,  while  appreciating  their  real  motives, 
will  doubtless  give  them  a patient  hearing, 
and  for  the  instruction  of  posterity  will  set 
down  at  some  length  their  objections,  and  the 
arguments  adduced  in  support  of  them. 

In  this  sketch  of  a distinguished  represen- 
tative of  this  system  it  will  be  sufficient  to 
give  the  following  specimens  of  these  objec- 
tions to  show  what  obstacles  the  Leaders,  the 
Ring  and  the  Boss  have  to  overcome  in  their 
unselfish  efforts  to  serve  an  ungrateful 
people. 

These  malcontents  say : 


52 


A DIGRESSION. 


“ Such  devotion  to  the  public  service,  if 
exercised  only  for  the  benefit  of  the  public, 
would  be  sublime  in  its  unselfishness.  But 
it  would  still  be  a despotism,  pure  and  simple. 
That  it  is  exerted,  not  for  the  good  of  the 
people,  but  for  the  exclusive  benefit  of  the 
Leaders  and  Bosses  themselves,  is  self- 
evident.” 

“ It  does  not  require  an  inspiration  of 
genius  to  perceive  that  when  a man  makes 
from  twenty  to  a hundred  thousand  dollars  a 
year  out  of  an  office  that  pays  no  salary  and 
does  not  allow  car-fare  or  postage  stamps  as 
perquisites,  he  makes  it  aliunde .” 

“ It  does  not  require  a revelation  from 
Heaven  to  demonstrate  that  such  a mathe- 
matical miracle  can  be  performed  only  by 
Theft,  for  official  corruption  is  Theft,  pure 
and  simple.” 

“A  man  would  not  be  entitled  to  letters 
patent  of  the  United  States  for  the  discovery 
that  when  a million  of  dollars  is  squandered 
in  contracts  controlled  by  three  or  four 
Leaders,  who  grow  mysteriously  rich  during 
the  transaction,  they  have  stolen  at  least  a 


A DIGRESSION. 


53 


portion  of  that  money,  no  matter  how  loudly 
they  pray  in  church,  or  how  much  honesty 
and  patriotism  they  profess  in  public.” 

“ When  a common  day-laborer,  in  twenty 
years  devoted  exclusively  to  politics,  becomes, 
not  only  a Boss,  but  also  a millionaire,  it  is 
perfectly  safe  to  conclude  that  he  is  a Thief, 
although  the  statute  of  limitations  may  save 
him  from  the  penitentiary.” 


VIII. 


A Political  Gamaliel. 


SN  astute  and  experienced  politician 
once  gave  an  applicant  for  a respon- 
sible and  lucrative  office  a letter 
which  secured  his  appointment  and  was  thus 
laconically  worded : 


“ Dear  Tit: 

“ The  bearer  understands  Addition , 
Division  and  Silence.  Appoint  him  ! 

“ Yours , 

“Bill.” 


The  writer  of  that  letter  was  more  than  an 
epigrammatist ; he  was  a philosopher  who 
had  sounded  the  profoundest  depths  of  politics 
and  who  deserves  immortality.  Addition  / 

Division  / Silence  / In  those  three  wrords 
(54) 


A POLITICAL  GAMALIEL. 


55 


are  contained  all  the  wisdom  of  modern  poli- 
tics. 

Blossom  Brick  understood  every  possible 
meaning  and  combination  of  those  words. 
He  had  never  read  a book  on  political  econ- 
omy, but  he  had  studied  the  people.  For 
twenty  years  he  had  lived  upon  them  and 
grown  rich  from  offices  that  paid  him  not  a 
cent  in  salary  or  fees.  He  knew  nothing  of 
logical  forms  or  methods,  but  he  knew  the 
tree  by  its  fruits.  From  political  results  his 
mind  jumped  to  political  axioms.  His  con- 
versation became  epigrammatic.  It  was  not 
scholarly,  or  elegant,  or  refined ; but  it  was 
forcible,  frank,  easily  understood,  and  full  of 
worldly  wisdom.  It  contained  the  germs  of 
a system  of  political  philosophy  not  recorded 
in  books.  Hike  a female  savage  who  knows 
nothing  of  the  modesty  of  clothing,  he  spoke 
without  shame  of  the  things  which  he  did 
without  blushing. 

Michael  Mulhooly,  so  to  speak,  sat  at  the 
feet  of  this  modern  political  Gamaliel,  and 
learned  wisdom.  He  treasured  up  his  sayings 
as  the  words  of  Socrates  and  Plato  were 


56 


A POLITICAL  GAMALIEL. 


treasured  up  and  transmitted  to  posterity 
by  their  disciples.  Some  of  these  sayings 
are  worthy  of  being  recorded.  Here  are  a few 
specimens : 

In  speaking  of  the  people  and  the  little 
share  they  actually  have  in  governing  them- 
selves, through  popular  elections,  he  said : 

“In  politics  the  people  are  blind  asses  who  think  they 
can  see  through  brick  walls ; they  are  only  dangerous 
when  they  kick I 

“They  are  all  right.  Only  make  them  believe  they 
ride  and  they  are  happy ! 

“The  government  means , not  those  who  vote , but 
those  who  receive , count  and  return  the  votes! 

“Elections  are  ratification  meetings  which  We  hold 
to  indorse  our  nominations ! 

“Election  laws  are  marked  cards  with  which  We 
cheat  the  opposition ! 

“A  man's  light  to  vote  depends  upon  what  heading 
the  judge  sees  on  his  ticket! 


One  election  officer  well  in  hand  is  worth  a score  of  voters  on  the 
half-shell.” — p.  57. 


Copyrighted,  1889,  by  Gebbie  & Co. 


A POLITICAL  GAMALIEL. 


57 


“It  matters  less  how  many  votes  you  have  than  how 
many  you  poll ; it  matters  less  how  many  you  poll  than 
how  many  you  get  counted !' 

“One  election  officer  well  in  hand  is  worth  a score 
of  voters  on  the  half  shell!' 

“The  residt  of  an  election  is  only  a question  of 
figures.  A stroke  of  the  pen  before  the  figures  99  is 
as  good  as  the  votes  of  a hundred  millionaire  tax- 
payers— if  you're  smart  enough  to  get  away  with  it!' 

“It  is  therefore  more  important  for  you  to  see  the 
election  officers  than  the  voters  of  your  District !' 

“It  is , after  all,  only  a question  of  money.  Here's  a 
rule  you  can  bet' your  bottom  dollar  on,  and  the  man  who 
invented  it  was  smart  enough  at  figures  to  make  a mil- 
lion dollars  out  of  politics  in  ten  years.  Divide  the  num- 
ber of  votes  necessary  to  make  your  election  absolutely 
certain  by  the  number  of  Election  Districts  in  which  you 
have  or  can  make  the  election  officers  solid , and  then 
you  know  just  what  work  you  must  get  in  in  each  Dis- 
trict. Then  multiply  the  number  of  Districts  you've 
got  to  make  solid  by  the  cost  per  District  and  you  know 
just  about  what  the  job'll  cost!' 


“What  We  want  all  the  time  is  a solid  election 


58 


A POLITICAL  GAMALIEL. 


officer , a solid  jury , a solid  judge , tf/zaT  a solid  gov- 
ernor, z/z  case  of  slips,  and  the  people  may  be  d d." 

In  speaking  of  the  way  in  which  nomina- 
tions are  made,  he  said : 

“Party  rules  are  the  reins  and  party  spirit  the  bit  by 
which  We  drive  the  people  all  the  time!' 

“A  scratcher  is  a traitor — to  Us." 

•“The  temporary  chairman  is  the  convention.  He' s 
an  8 to  7 man  all  the  time!' 

“If  you  can't  make  a nomination  yourself  \ be  sure  to 

name  your  man;  but  be  d d sure  he's  honest 

enough — to  divide." 

“Put  up  a slate  you  want  broken  and  get  in  your 
real  work  behind  it.  When  the  people  have  broken 
your  slate  with  their  heels  they  take  a rest , and  every- 
thing's lovely !' 

“The  meanest  thing  m the  world  is  a Ring — that 
counts  me  out!' 

4 ff  you  want  office , young  man , kneel  to  the  Boss 
first , then  to  the  Leaders , then  to  the  people , and 


A POLITICAL  GAMALIEL. 


59 


afterwards  to  the  Lord,  if  you  have  any  spare  time 
left!" 

In  speaking  of  bribery  and  corruption,  he 
said : 

“A  man  who's  d d fool  enough  to  call  in  wit- 

nesses to  see  him  take  a bribe  deserves  the  extreme 
penalty  of  the  law A 

“The  man  who  gives  a bribe  can't  tell , and  the 
fellows  who  divide  it  wont ; so  the  law  protects  the 
boys  all  the  time!' 

“Oaths  of  office  are  the  most  useful  things  I know 
of — they  make  the  people  believe  in  Us!' 

“The  man  who  intimates  that  I can  be  bought 
insults  me — not  the  fellow  who  talks  biz!' 

“The  larger  the  divisor  the  smaller  my  share ; 
therefore  I want  as  few  in  the  pot  as  possible !' 

“Official  advertising  is  the  Pain-Killer  of  Politics !' 

“Give  the  people  plenty  of  taffy  and  the  newspapers 
plenty  of  advertising— then  help  yourself  to  anything 
that's  lying  around  loose!' 


60 


A POLITICAL  GAMALIEL. 


“A  chunk  of  meat  will  cure  the  bark  and  the  bite 
of  a dog ; therefore  if  you  don't  know  how  to  silence  a 
Reformer , it's  your  own  faidt." 

“ Honesty  is  the  best  policy  by  all  odds — when  you're 
in  a hole'.' 

“It's  cheaper  to  buy  with  promises  than  with  cash!' 

And  once,  when  there  were  signs  of  a re- 
bellion against  one  of  their  candidates,  he 
said  solemnly : 

“If  the  people  ever  tumble  to  our  game — Hell  will 
be  to  pay  !" 


IX. 

The  Machine. 

UNDER  the  tuition  of  such  a master, 
Michael  Mulhooly  could  not  fail  to 
make  rapid  strides  in  the  study  of 
practical  statesmanship. 

As  a member  of  the  Ward  Committee,  as 
the  proprietor  of  a saloon  which  was  becom- 
ing the  party  head-quarters  of  the  Ward,  as 
well  as  of  his  Election  District,  and,  as  the 
intimate  friend  of  so  powerful  a Leader  as 
Blossom  Brick,  his  influence  grew  so  rapidly 
that  in  a short  time  he  was  chosen  as  the 
representative  of  his  Ward  in  the  City  Com- 
mittee. 

From  this  vantage  ground  he  could  now 
survey  the  whole  political  field,  and  study  the 
party  organization  in  all  its  divisions  and  sub- 
divisions. He  saw  that  it  was  a political 

(61) 


62 


THE  MACHINE. 


machine  as  complicated,  as  ingenious,  as  per- 
fect as  the  works  of  a watch ; that  it  had  its 
little  wheels  and  big  wheels  all  moving  within 
and  upon  and  around  each  other  in  perfect 
harmony  and  with  a common  purpose ; that 
it  had  its  regulator,  its  hair-spring,  its  bal- 
ance-wheel, and  its  great,  strong  main-spring 
which  kept  the  whole  in  motion,  in  obedience 
to  the  will  of  the  master  spirit  who  held  the 
key  and  understood  its  use. 

He  proceeded  to  study  it,  somewhat  after 
the  manner  of  an  apprentice  who  undertakes 
to  study  the  works  which  he  must  be  able 
some  day  to  make,  and  who,  therefore,  holds 
them  up  between  his  eye  and  the  light  and, 
having  thus  gained  a comprehension  of  them 
as  a whole,  proceeds  slowly  and  carefully  to 
take  them  to  pieces,  examining  each  wheel 
and  pinion  so  as  to  understand  its  composi- 
tion, form,  function  and  relation  to  every 
other  part,  and  then  endeavors  slowly  and 
carefully  to  put  them  together  again,  so  that 
they  will  once  more  perform  their  perfect 
work. 

He  saw  that  the  party  organization  was 


The  machine. 


63 


composed  primarily  of  District  Committees, 
Ward  Committees  and  the  City  Committee, 
and,  secondarily,  of  Conventions  to  place  in 
nomination  candidates  for  various  offices  to 
be  chosen  at  elections  held  by  the  people ; and 
that  all  these  various  members  or  parts  of 
the  organization  were  provided  for  and  gov- 
erned by  a system  of  laws  called  Party 
Rules,  which  operated  like  the  Constitution 
and  laws  of  a great  Commonwealth. 

He  saw  that  while  this  perfect  party  or- 
ganization was  ostensibly  created  to  insure 
the  success  of  the  party,  and,  thereby,  the 
good  of  the  people,  it  had  been  so  ingeniously 
devised  as  to  compel  obedience  on  the  part  of 
the  great  body  of  voters,  while  it  placed  the 
entire  control  of  the  whole  machinery  in  a 
central  head  or  master-spirit,  composed  of 
one  man,  or  two  men,  or  half  a dozen  men, 
according  to  circumstances ; or  in  other 
words,  of  the  Leaders,  the  Ring,  and  the 
Boss. 

He  saw  also,  that  however  the  Party  Rules 
might  be  modified  from  time  to  time,  in  the 
apparent  interest  of  the  great  body  of  voters, 


64 


THE  MACHINE. 


in  their  practical  operation  they  would  still 
be  found  to  contribute  only  toward  strength- 
ening the  power  of  those  who,  by  the  natural 
tendency  of  party  organizations  towards  cen- 
tralization of  power,  might,  from  time  to 
time,  constitute  the  Leaders,  the  Ring  and 
the  Boss. 

He  saw  that  by  this  system  the  Leaders, 
the  Ring,  and  the  Boss  practically  nominated 
all  candidates,  and  as — where  the  party  is 
largely  in  the  majority,  and  the  voters  can  be 
kept  in  the  traces — a nomination  is  equiva- 
lent to  an  election,  they,  therefore,  practically 
appointed  all  public  officers,  under  the  form 
of  an  election  by  the  people. 

He  saw  that  this  system  necessitated  a 
species  of  competitive  examination,  not  con- 
templated by  the  advocates  of  Civil  Service 
Reform,  but  calculated  to  strengthen  the 
system  and  perpetuate  the  power  of  those 
who  control  it.  He  saw  that  any  one  desir- 
ing to  enter  the  lists  as  a candidate  must 
give  satisfactory  proofs  that  he  had  already 
rendered  valuable  services  to  Them  ; that  no 
other  man  could  fill  the  place  with  such  ad- 


THE  MACHINE. 


65 


vantage  to  Them ; and  that  he  would  at  all 
times,  and  under  every  circumstance,  im- 
plicitly obey  Their  orders,  irrespective  of  con- 
sequences, legal,  moral,  social,  or  political. 
He  saw  that  if,  for  instance,  one  desired  to  be 
a candidate  for  judicial  honors,  he  must  be 
able  to  give  undoubted  assurances,  either  by 
his  past  record,  or  by  some  satisfactory 
pledges,  that  he  would  hold  his  office  as  of 
Their  gift,  and  might  be  at  all  times  safely 
and  privately  conferred  with  by  Them,  so  as 
to  be  instructed  how  to  administer  Justice,  and 
yet  further  Their  interests  in  all  matters 
falling  within  the  scope  of  his  judicial  func- 
tions. 

He  soon  saw  that  this  whole  system  was 
founded  on  (a)  the  tendency  of  every  voter  to 
work  in  the  traces,  and  vote  for  any  man 
ostensibly  nominated  by  the  party ; ( b ) the 
strict  enforcement  of  the  Party  Rules ; and 
(c)  the  judicious  distribution  of  the  4,036 
regularly  salaried  officers  in  the  various  de- 
partments of  the  city  government,  with  a sal- 
ary list  of  $6,595,625.50  ; the  various  munic- 
ipal, State  and  national  offices  to  which  only 


66 


the  machine. 


perquisites  and  aliunde  profits  are  attached ; 
the  various  appointments  which  may  he,  from 
time  to  time,  controlled  in  the  various  State 
and  national  offices,  such  as  the  Custom- 
House,  Post-office,  Treasury,  etc.,  and  of  the 
various  contracts  for  public  work,  involving 
the  outlay  of  millions  of  dollars  given  to  con- 
tractors who  are  willing  not  only  to  Rebate, 
but  also  to  properly  control  at  all  times  the 
thousands  of  workmen  whom  they  employ  in 
the  public  service. 

His  estimate  showed  that,  directly  and 
indirectly,  nearly  ten  thousand  persons  were 
employed,  and  nearly  $10,000,000  expended 
annually  in  the  public  service  through  these 
various  channels. 

He  next  endeavored  to  learn  something 
about  how  these  offices  were  distributed,  and 
for  that  purpose  he  made  up  a list  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  City  Committee,  and  the  occupation 
of  each  member,  with  the  following  result, 
viz. : 

CITY  COMMITTEE. 

Ward . Member.  Occupation.  Salary . 

1.  Dennis  McNulty,  Department  of  Taxes.  $2,500. 

2.  Michael  McCann,  “ Water.  2,000. 


THE  MACHINE. 

67 

3.  Patrick  McBride, 

Department  of  Water, 

$2,000. 

4.  Timothy  McCrory, 

“ Streets. 

1,800. 

5.  James  McElwee, 

“ Fires. 

2,000. 

6.  Owen  McPeak, 

“ Wharves. 

1,900. 

7.  Michael  Mulhooly, 

8.  James  McPodd, 

“ Health. 

2,250. 

9.  John  McGuiggen, 

“ Markets. 

1,800. 

10.  Tim.  O’Hoolahan, 

“ Sewers. 

2,000. 

11.  Blossom  Brick,  Municipal  Legislature. 

?. 

12.  James  O’Rafferthy, 

Department  of  Parks. 

2,200. 

13.  Michael  McGaughey, 

“ Taxes. 

2,500. 

14.  Thomas  McNobb,  Dep’t  of  Public  Buildings. 

2,350. 

15.  John  Smith, 

16.  Patrick  O’Donahugh, 

Department  of  Fires. 

2,000. 

17.  James  Kelly, 

“ Schools. 

?. 

18.  Michael  Mulligan, 

“ Streets. 

2,200. 

19.  Bernard  McGoul, 

“ Wharves. 

1,900. 

20.  James  McGinnis, 

“ Water. 

2,000. 

21.  Robert  Lannigan,  Candidate  for  Municipal  Legislature. 

He  also  made  up  a 

similar  list  of  the  Presi- 

dents  of  the  various 

Ward  Committees 

, and 

the  occupation  of  each,  with  the  following 

results,  viz. : 

PRESIDENTS  OF 

WARD  COMMITTEES. 

Ward . President . 

Occupation . 

Salary . 

1.  Dominick  McGrody, 

Department  of  Fires. 

$1,500. 

2.  Daniel  McMaekin, 

“ Wharves. 

1,200. 

3.  Thomas  McCue, 

“ Health. 

1,400. 

4.  John  McTee, 

“ Streets. 

1,200. 

5.  Michael  McLaughlin, 

“ Sewers. 

1,000. 

6.  James  O’Dowd, 

“ Taxes. 

1,250. 

5 


68 


THE  MACHINE. 


7.  John  O’Toole, 

Department  of  Parks. 

$1,000. 

8.  Patrick  O’Rourke, 

“ Water. 

1,300. 

9.  Bernard  O’Leary, 

“ Markets. 

1,400. 

10.  Sandy  McDermott,  Dep’t  of  Public  Build’n’s. 

1,000. 

11.  Patrick  Kelley, 

a 

Justice. 

1,200. 

12.  Timoth}'  McElhone, 

u 

Police. 

1,000. 

13.  James  O’Donnel, 

a 

Treasury. 

L5oo. 

14.  John  McFall, 

• u 

Comptroller. 

1,200. 

15.  Dennis  McCrystal, 

<< 

Schools. 

16.  John  McCrossin, 

<< 

Public  Build’n’s. 

1,200. 

17.  Michael  McGahey, 

a 

Parks. 

1,000. 

18.  Larry  McCusker, 

t( 

Water. 

1,200. 

19.  James  McGurrity, 

t( 

Taxes. 

1,500. 

20.  Hugh  McDaid, 

Contractor  on  Streets. 

?. 

21.  John  Brown,  Candidate  for  Municipal  Legislature. 


He  did  not  attempt  to  make  up  a complete 
list  of  the  five  hundred  and  thirty  members 
of  the  various  Ward  Committees,  or  of  the 
Chairmen  and  members  of  the  five  hundred 
and  thirty  District  Committees,  or  of  the  two 
secretaries  of  each  of  these  City,  Ward  and 
District  Committees,  or  of  the  many  local 
Leaders,  for  whom  there  is  no  room  on  Com- 
mittees, but  who  render  valuable  services  in 
Ward,  District  and  City  Conventions,  in  re- 
turn for  the  appointments  which  they  hold. 

His  examination,  though  imperfect,  had 
been  carried  far  enough  to  show  him  these 
important  results : 


THE  MACHINE. 


69 


1.  That  nearly  every  member  of  the  City 
Committee  and  of  the  various  Ward  Com- 
mittees held  a lucrative  position  by  the  ap- 
pointment of  some  Leader  whose  orders  he 
was  compelled  to  obey. 

2.  That,  as  these  Committees  fix  the  times 
and  places  for  holding  Convention,  select  the 
temporary  Chairman  to  organize  them,  and 
decide  all  disputes  and  appeals,  they  practi- 
cally control  all  Conventions. 

3.  That  every  one  of  these  four  thousand 
and  thirty-six  Department  employees  is  pre- 
sumed to  be  able  to  go  to  a Convention  when 
ordered  to  do  so,  or  to  send  in  his  place  a 
person  who  will  obey  orders  ; and  that  these 
appointees,  as  well  as  the  thousands  of  others 
in  other  offices  and  employments,  are  so  dis- 
tributed through  the  different  Wards  as  to  be 
able,  when  acting  in  concert,  to  control  a 
large  majority  of  all  the  Wards. 

4.  That  the  Leaders  had,  in  one  way  or 
another,  obtained  control  of  one  Department 
of  the  City  Government  after  another,  until 
more  than  four-fifths  of  all  the  men  employed 
directly  and  indirectly  in  the  public  service 


70 


THE  MACHINE. 


and  paid  by  the  public  money  were  under 
their  immediate  orders. 

5.  That  the  Leaders  were  themselves  sixb- 
ject  to  the  orders  of  the  Boss,  who  had 
“ made  ” most  of  them,  and  without  whose 
favor  they  would  be  comparatively  powerless. 

6.  That  the  Boss  was  the  Great  Supreme. 


Copyrighted,  1889,  by  Gebbie  & Co. 


X. 

Thinks  of  Himself  . 

mICHAEL  MULHOOLY’S  reflections, 
based  on  his  political  observations, 
resolved  themselves  into  the  form 
of  elementary  rules  which  he  would  probably 
have  put  into  something  like  this  shape  : 

i.  To  succeed \ you  must  be  usefid.  Therefore  make 
yourself  usefid  at  the  polls . It  may  be  done  in  many 
ways . 

2.  Attach  yourself  as  soon  as  possible  to  a Leader . 
The  greater  his  power  the  better  ; and  the  more  usefid 
you  can  be  to  him  the  greater  will  be  your  reward. 
Whoop  for  him  all  the  time  ! 

3.  Secure  the  control  of  your  own  District  at  the 
earliest  possible  moment.  Setting  'em  up  freely  and 
frequently  for  the  boys  is  the  best  way  to  begin. 

(71) 


72 


THINKS  OF  HIMSELF. 


4.  Then  extend  your  influence  to  the  adjoining  Dis- 
trict, and  so  on  from  one  to  another , until  you  can  con- 
trol a majority  of  the  Districts  of  your  Ward.  To  do 
this,  you  must  form  combinations  with  men  like  your- 
self, and  secure  employment  for  others  in  return  for  the 
services  you  render  the  Leaders. 

5.  When  you  have  gained  the  control  of  your  own 
Ward,  you  are  yourself  a Leader,  and  are  entitled  to 
something  soft. 

6.  From  this  time  forward,  the  more  candidates  you 
help  to  nominate  and  the  more  men  you  get  appointed 
by  them,  the  higher  your  rank  among  Leaders  and  the 
more  abundant  your  harvest. 

7.  Always  remember  that  in  politics  the  Boss  is 
God! 

He  was  now  in  a position  which  he  thought 
entitled  him  to  some  reward  for  his  labors. 
He  had  represented  his  Ward  in  the  City 
Committee  for  nearly  a year ; had  on  several 
occasions  voted  on  important  questions, 
according  to  Blossom  Brick’s  wishes — the 
highest  law  that  he  then  knew ; had  friends 
for  whom  he  had  secured  employment,  and 


THINKS  OF  HIMSELF. 


73 


who  would  stand  by  him  in  every  Election 
District  of  the  Ward,  and  consequently  felt 
that,  with  the  favor  of  the  Boss,  he  could 
easily  secure  a majority  of  the  delegates  to  a 
Ward  Convention.  Without  that  favor,  he 
knew  it  would  be  useless  for  him  to  attempt 
anything. 

He  looked  over  the  entire  field  to  see  what 
position  there  was  within  his  reach  which 
would  best  enable  him  to  make  money  and, 
at  the  same  time,  to  extend  his  political  in- 
fluence. He  saw  that  if  he  asked  for  and 
received  an  appointment  in  one  of  the  City 
Departments  his  salary  would  be  limited,  his 
perquisites  small,  his  time  no  longer  his  own, 
and  that  he  would  lose  his  independence  and 
make  no  headway  towards  that  leadership  to 
which  he  aspired.  He  saw  that  to  obtain  a 
seat  in  the  State  Legislature  he  would  have 
to  defeat  the  sitting  member,  who  was  popular 
with  the  party  workers,  and  useful  to  the 
Leaders,  whom  he  had  faithfully  served  for 
two  sessions.  He  saw  also  that,  even  if  he 
could  secure  the  nomination,  his  campaign 
expenses  would  more  than  consume  his  whole 


74 


THINKS  OF  HIMSELF. 


salary,  and  that  an  inexperienced  legislator 
would  have  little  opportunity  to  make  any- 
thing aliunde , by  reason  of  recent  changes  in 
the  State  Constitution  which,  to  a great  ex- 
tent, prohibited  special  legislation.  He  fully 
realized  that  he  was  too  young  in  politics  to 
hope  for  any  valuable  city  or  “ Row  ” office. 
But  he  saw  from  the  example  of  his  friend 
Blossom  Brick,  that  if  a member  of  the  Munic- 
ipal Legislature  fails  to  make  his  position 
pay,  both  pecuniarily  and  politically,  he  has  no 
one  to  blame  but  himself.  He  also  saw  that 
there  would  be  a chance  for  him  to  enter  this 
body  from  his  Ward  if  he  could  secure  the 
Boss’s  approbation. 

The  member  at  that  time,  J.  Augustus 
Dootson,  Esq., — a young  lawyer  whose  pre- 
possessing appearance,  perfect  taste  in  panta- 
loons and  positive  genius  for  leading  a Ger- 
man, had  secured  him  a rich  wife  with  a 
handsome  income  and  a brown-stone  house 
on  a fashionable  square — had  been  nominated 
by  the  Leaders  as  a means  of  conciliating 
certain  wealthy  tax-payers  of  the  Ward  who 
had  been  seized  with  the  Reform-fever  and 


THINKS  OF  HIMSELF. 


75 


had  threatened  to  overthrow  the  Leaders  and 
their  system.  But  this  young  gentleman, 
upon  taking  his  seat,  had  endeavored  to  walk 
alone,  or,  in  the  language  of  Blossom  Brick, 
“ to  set  up  in  business  for  himself,”  and  con- 
sequently it  was  not  probable  that  those 
whom  he  had  thus  insulted  when  they  sought 
to  guide  his  inexperienced  legislative  foot- 
steps would  favor  his  renomination. 

Michael,  therefore,  concluded  that  as  he 
might  go  further  and  do  much  worse,  he 
would  suggest  the  subject  of  his  own  candi- 
dacy for  a seat  in  the  Municipal  Legislature 
to  his  friend  Blossom  Brick.  This  he  did 
without  delay  and  found  that  the  idea  was 
highly  commended  by  that  sagacious  states- 
man. It  was  accordingly  determined  that  the 
subject  should  be  diplomatically  opened  to 
the  Boss,  and  that  Michael,  who  had  never 
seen  Him,  should  be  presented  on  the  first 
favorable  opportunity.  A few  days  later 
Blossom  Brick  called  and  took  the  young 
aspirant  for  legislative  honors  into  the  pres- 
ence of  the  All-powerful,  to  learn  His  pleas- 
ure. 


XI. 


The  Boss. 

mICHAEL  had  heard  so  much  of  Him, 
of  His  power,  and  of  His  mighty 
wrath  when  offended,  that  his  legs 
naturally  shook  when  they  were  about  to 
usher  him,  for  the  first  time,  into  that  august 
Presence.  He  was  not  quite  certain  that  he 
would  not  find  Him  seated  upon  a throne, 
clad  in  regal  purple,  wearing  a crown  of 
diamonds,  and  surrounded  by  all  the  splendor 
of  royalty. 

When  he  entered  the  modestly  furnished 
private  office  where  this  Great  Ruler  received 
His  reports  from  His  ten  thousand  faithful 
subjects,  and  issued  those  secret  orders  which 
were  the  cause  of  so  much  happiness  or 
misery,  by  which  men  were  set  up  or  de- 
stroyed at  His  awful  pleasure,  his  sense  of 
- (76) 


THE  BOSS. 


77 


relief  was  scarcely  less  than  his  feeling  of 
disappointment  to  see  a plainly-dressed,  or- 
dinary-looking man,  reclining  negligently  in 
an  arm-chair,  with  His  feet  resting  on  the  top 
of  a table  before  Him,  laughing  and  talking, 
like  any  ordinary  mortal,  with  two  or  three 
other  plainly-dressed,  ordinary-looking  men, 
who  wore  their  hats  in  His  presence,  and 
did  not  perceptibly  tremble  when  they  ad- 
dressed Him. 

The  conversation  related  to  a certain  mem- 
ber of  Congress  who  was  seeking  a renomi- 
nation, and  who  had  declared,  as  some  one 
stated,  that  he  intended  to  return  to  Con- 
gress— with  the  Boss’s  permission,  or  without 
it. 

At  this  remark  the  Boss’s  face  flushed 
hotly,  and,  turning  angrily  towards  Blossom 
Brick,  He  said — with  a slight  accent  that  as- 
sured Michael  he  was  about  to  approach  a 
fellow-countryman  : “ D’ye  hear  that,  Brick  ? 
Didn’t  I make  him  befoor,  just  to  plaze  you ; 
and  didn’t  I tell  ye  the  whipper-strapper  ’d 
be  agin  Us  ? ” 


78 


THE  BOSS. 


“ Indeed  you  did,”  replied  Brick,  “ and  now 
We’ve  got  to  teach  him  a lesson.  We’ll  show 
him  that  We  make  Congressmen.” 

Then  calling  up  Michael,  he  introduced 
him  to  the  Boss,  who  bade  him  “ sit  down,” 
and,  without  changing  his  position,  said,  “ Mi 
friend  Brick  tells  Me  you’d  like  to  go  till  the 
Municipal  Legislature  from  your  Waard.  I 
can  tell  you  wan  thing — I’m  agin  Dootson. 
I don’t  like  ’im.  I made  ’im  befoor,  as  me 
friend  Brick  ’ll  tell  you,  and  now  he’s  put- 
ting on  airs,  and  I mane  to  punish  ’im.  I’d 
like  to  know  where  he’d  have  been  but  for 
Me?” 

Then  turning  to  one  of  the  other  gentle- 
men, he  said : “ D’ye  know  that  afther  all  I 
did  for  that  fellow  Dootson,  I sint  for  ’im 
whin  the  bill  to  pave  Goodenough  sthreet  was 
up,  and  tould  ’im  I was  much  interisted  in  it, 
and  that  I would  thank  him  to  vote  for  it. 
And  what  d’ye  think  he  answered  Me  ? 
That  the  respictible  peaple  of  his  Waard 
were  opposed  to  it,  and  therefore  he  couldn’t 
do  it.  Then  I tould  ’im  to  go  back  to  the 


THE  BOSS. 


79 


respictible  peaple  of  his  Waard,  and  ask 
them  to  re-nomiuate  ’im,  but  that  I’d  be  agin 
’im  annyhow.  And  d’ye  know  that  he  hasn’t 
spooken  to  Me  sence  ? Sometimes  I think 
I’ll  give  up  polatics  intirely.  The  more  you 
do  for  some  peaple,  the  more  ungrateful  they 
are  to  ye.” 

The  gentleman  addressed  laughed,  and 
said,  “ Oh  ! you  always  say  that.” 

Then  the  Boss,  who  was  evidently  smart- 
ing under  the  recollections  of  the  ingratitude 
with  which  He  was  treated,  put  on  His  hat, 
commenced  to  pull  on  His  overcoat,  and 
Blossom  Brick  said,  “ Come,  Mike,  let’s  go ! ” 
and  the  interview  terminated. 

Michael  himself  had  not  spoken  a word, 
and  he  went  away  entirely  uncertain  as  to 
whether  the  Boss  intended  to  “ make  ’im,”  or 
not. 

But  though  the  interview  had  not  been  all 
that  he  might  have  desired,  it  was,  neverthe- 
less, of  great  political  significance.  He  had 
climbed  to  the  radiant  summit  of  the  political 
Olympus ; had  stood  at  the  very  foot  of  the 
throne ; had  listened  to  the  hurtling  of  the 


80 


THE  BOSS. 


direful  thunderbolts  hurled  wrathfully  down 
towards  the  earth  in  his  very  presence,  and 
had  talked,  face  to  face,  with  the  great  Jove, 
Himself. 


XII. 


Feeds  with  the  Gods. 


SFEW  days  later  Michael  Mulhooly 
was  bidden  to  a banquet  of  the  Gods. 
An  invitation  came  from  a gentle- 
man whom  he  had  never  seen,  but  of  whom 
he  had  frequently  heard  as  a favorite  con- 
tractor, who  furnished  half  a million  dollars’ 
worth  of  supplies  annually  to  the  city,  to  an 
excursion  and  banquet  given  to  the  Boss,  and 
such  of  the  Superior  Deities  and  such  of  His 
most  highly-favored  subjects  as  He  might 
indicate  it  was  His  pleasure  to  have  invited. 

It  was  a banquet  worthy  of  the  Gods. 
Everything  that  could  charm  the  eye,  delight 
the  ear,  tempt  the  palate,  please  the  stomach 
and  elevate  the  soul  was  provided  most 
bountifully.  Everything  was  arranged  so  as 
to  convey  some  delicately-suggested  compli- 
es!) 


82 


feeds  with  the  gods. 


ment  to  the  political  Father  of  Gods  and 
men. 

Fragrant  beds  of  many-colored  flowers 
arrested  the  eye,  and  showed  His  monogram 
worked  in  the  sweetest  and  most  beautiful 
rose-buds,  as  though  nature  had  busied  her- 
self to  do  Him  honor.  Birds  of  gorgeous 
plumage,  half  hidden  in  ivy-covered  bowers, 
called  out  His  name  to  every  passer-by,  as 
though  the  pleased  universe  could  not  keep 
the  joyful  secret  of  His  presence.  The  music 
consisted  of  the  old  songs  and  national  melo- 
dies that  He  most  loved  to  hear,  and  which, 
in  His  hours  of  relaxation,  He  was  wont  to 
hum  softly  to  Himself.  Wine,  sweet  as  the 
honey  of  Hymettus,  and  cold  as  the  snows 
that  melt  on  the  top  of  Mount  Hjdfla,  flowed 
from  gigantic  bottles  labeled,  in  letters  of 
pure  gold,  “ The  Boss  ” — His  own  favorite 
brand,  named  after  Himself. 

The  toasts  proposed  were  all  variations  of 
one  theme — the  honor  due  from  men  and  Gods 
to  Him ; and  the  speeches  all  took  up  and 
repeated  this  refrain  in  all  the  varieties  of 
tone  and  semitone,  like  a musical  symphony. 


FEEDS  WITH  THE  GODS. 


83 


The  guests  being  of  His  own  selection  were 
worthy  of  His  presence.  With  the  exception 
of  Michael  Mulhooly,  a Judge,  a Governor, 
and  the  liberal  Amphitryon  of  the  feast,  none 
were  present  except  those  Superior  Deities 
who  presided  over  Departments,  or  whose 
dominions  consisted  of  not  less  than  two  or 
three  Wards. 

Blossom  Brick,  as  His  acknowledged 
favorite,  sat  at  His  right  hand  and  whispered 
in  His  ear,  from  time  to  time,  those  brilliant 
inspirations  of  statesmanship  that  were  con- 
stantly flashing  like  meteors  across  his  own 
mighty  mind. 

Juno  and  Minerva  were,  of  course,  absent. 
Even  lovely  Venus  herself  had  not  been  in- 
vited. It  was  not  customary  to  bid  to  these 
stag-banquets  Terpsichore  or  Thalia,  Mel- 
pomene or  Urania,  or  any  of  their  talented 
sisters,  and  even  Hebe  was  forbidden  to  show 
her  pretty  face  and  trim,  lightly-clad  figure 
on  such  occasions.  Not  that  the  female 
divinities  were  put  wholly  out  of  mind ; for 
the  conversation  would  sometimes  drift  from 
graver  themes  to  such  lighter  subjects  as  the 


84 


FEEDS  WITH  THE  GODS. 


size  of  Terpsichore’s  ankle,  or  the  perfect 
swell  of  Venus’s  matchless  bust.  But  their 
conversation  dwelt  mainly  on  weightier 
matters,  such  as  the  political  affairs  of  men 
and  the  destinies  in  store  for  them. 

It  was  customary,  too,  on  such  occasions  to 
determine  who,  among  the  sons  of  men,  by 
reason  of  their  superior  fidelity,  were  entitled 
to  political  rewards ; and  who,  on  account  of 
their  disloyalty,  were  especially  deserving  of 
punishment.  These  were  also  considered 
fitting  opportunities  for  the  Superior  Deities 
to  ask  for  those  political  favors  for  their 
friends  which,  in  His  moments  of  greatest 
good  humor,  He  was  accustomed  to  distribute 
among  them. 

The  hours  glided  imperceptibly  by,  and 
as  the  day  began  to  wane,  the  Boss  soothed 
and  melted  by  the  flatteries  which  rose  around 
Him,  looked  approvingly  towards  Michael 
Mulhooly , and  said  once  or  twice  with  em- 
phasis, “ I’m  fur  ’im.  • Yis,  I’m  fur  ’im,”  and 
then  added  angrily,  “ I mane  to  tache  young 
Dootson  what  it  costs  to  defy  Me.  I’ll  show 


FEEDS  WITH  THE  GODS. 


85 


’im  what  the  respictible  peaple  of  his  Waard 
can  do  for  any  wan  that’s  agin  Me ! ” 

This  was  a decree  of  Fate.  It  affected  the 
destiny  of  a great  people,  and  materially  al- 
tered a nation’s  history. 


XIII. 


One  of  the  City  Fathers. 

mICHAEL  MULHOOLY  was  duly 
nominated  and  elected  to  the  Munic- 
ipal Legislature,  and  thus  became 
one  of  the  “ City  Fathers.” 

When  his  campaign  was  over  he  found  that 
it  had  cost  him  considerably  more  than  he 
had  expected  to  be  called  upon  to  pay  for  the 
honor  to  which  he  aspired,  and  at  first  he 
failed  to  see  clearly  how  he  was  to  get  back 
the  $1,400,  which  he  had  expended  in  paying 
his  assessment,  his  contribution  to  the 
“ Michael  Mulhooly  Club,”  in  the  purchase 
of  a diamond  for  the  Boss,  and  several  other 
investments  of  a confidential  character,  which 
it  is  not  necessary  or  proper  to  particularly 
set  forth. 

But  before  he  had  been  in  his  seat  many 

(86) 


ONE  OF  THE  CITY  FATHERS. 


87 


months  several  opportunities  occurred,  of 
which  he  was  not  slow  to  take  advantage, 
which  enabled  him  to  make  up  all  he  had 
spent  and  to  lay  the  foundation  of  his  for- 
tune. 

The  firm  of  Stone,  Lime  & Co.,  of  which 
the  Amphitryon  of  the  feast  was  a member, 
impressed  with  the  influence  which  must  of 
necessity  be  wielded  by  one  whose  relations 
with  the  Boss  were  as  intimate  as  were 
Michael  Mulhooly’s,  enlisted  that  rising 
statesman’s  interest  in  passing  an  ordinance 
which  would  result  in  their  furnishing  a 
large  quantity  of  material  for  some  public 
works,  and  promised,  in  the  event  of  his 
success,  to  leave  with  him  a contribution  of 
$5,000,  to  be  expended  in  any  way  which  he 
might  deem  for  the  best  interest  of  the  party 
to  which  they  were  all  so  devotedly  attached. 
Michael  Mulhooly  did  his  work  so  well  and 
disposed  of  the  fund  so  advantageously  that 
over  $2,500  of  it  remained  in  his  hands  for 
future  distribution. 

Not  long  afterwards  the  firm  of  Iron,  Steel 
& Co.  conceived  the  project  of  building  for  the 


88 


ONE  OF  THE  CITY  FATHERS. 


city  a bridge,  at  a cost  of  $1,500,000.  Under- 
standing the  kind  of  argument  which  could 
be  most  successfully  used  to  secure  the  pas- 
sage of  legislation  of  this  character,  they 
named  a price  which  was  $250,000  larger 
than  the  sum  which  would  yield  them  a clear 
profit  of  $250,000,  on  the  work.  The  project 
was,  at  first,  violently  opposed,  and  then  the 
wisdom  of  their  allowing  themselves  so  large 
a margin  became  apparent.  Their  confiden- 
tial agent  sought  out  Blossom  Brick,  who 
was  one  of  the  strongest  opponents  of  the 
measure  when  it  was  first  proposed,  and  in 
the  course  of  two  or  three  short  interviews 
on  the  street,  presented  the  case  in  so  new 
and  favorable  a light  to  that  discerning  states- 
man, that  he  immediately  moved  the  appoint- 
ment of  a sub-committee  to  ascertain  and  re- 
port, “ What  would  be  the  probable  increase 
in  the  taxable  value  of  property  in  twenty- 
five  years,  by  reason  of  the  proposed  im- 
provement,” of  which  sub-committee  he  was 
appointed  Chairman.  Their  report  was  so 
favorable  and  showed  so  clearly  that  in  less 
than  a hundred  years  the  public  would  be  so 


ONE  OE  THE  CITY  FATHERS. 


89 


fond  of  this  bridge  that  they  would  insist  on 
having  another  one  just  like  it,  at  no  matter 
what  cost,  that  the  measure  passed  the  House 
by  a majority  of  two  votes.  It  subsequently 
passed  the  Chamber,  of  which  Michael 
Mulhooly  was  a member,  by  a still  closer 
vote. 

The  firm’s  confidential  agent  subsequently 
reported  to  his  employers  that  the  whole  of 
the  $250,000  had  been  distributed  in  ways 
that  they  were  not  required  by  law  to  know 
anything  about. 

The  private  memorandum  which  he  after- 
wards tore  up,  showed  a list  of  initials  set 
opposite  various  sums  ranging  from  $25,000 
down  to  $200.  Upon  it  were  these  letters 
and  figures  : 

“ B.  B.  $25,000.” 

“M.  M.  7,500.” 

Later  in  the  year  the  M.  & V.  C.  R.  R. 
Company  desired  the  privilege  of  laying  their 
tracks  through  certain  streets,  and  the 
transfer  of  a certain  unused  tract  of  land 
belonging  to  the  city,  upon  which  they  pro- 


90 


ONE  OF  THE  CITY  FATHERS. 


posed  to  build  a freight  depot.  The  neces- 
sary legislation  was  regarded  by  the  com- 
pany as  of  such  value  that  the  sum  of  $50,- 
coo  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  Sanderson 
Oily,  Esq.,  the  regular  counsel  for  the  com 
pany,  to  be  expended  by  him  in  wine,  cigars 
and  matches  for  the  refreshment  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Committee  on  Streets  and  the 
Committee  on  Railroads  while  listening  to 
his  elaborate  argument  to  prove  that  the  more 
privileges  a city  grants  to  railroad  companies 
the  richer  the  citizens  become,  and  that  the 
less  unimproved  real  estate  it  owns  the  less 
money  must  be  raised  by  taxation  to  pay  for 
the  removal  of  the  brick-bats  and  tomato-cans 
that  necessarily  accumulate  in  large  quanti- 
ties upon  such  unimproved  and  worse  than 
useless  property.  His  arguments  were  so 
unanswerable  that  the  desired  legislation  was 
secured ; but,  being  a lawyer,  he  kept  no 
memoranda  of  the  items  in  which  he  had  ex- 
pended this  large  sum.  Blossom  Brick,  how- 
ever, in  talking  over  the  subject  with  Michael 
Mulhooly,  declared  that  he  himself  had  paid 
out  less  than  half  the  sum  put  up  in  his 


ONE  OF  THE  CITY  FATHERS. 


91 


hands,  and  yet  had  brought  over  all  the 
members  he  had  agreed  to  fix,  and  had  put 
away  $8,000  in  government  bonds  which 
“ couldn’t  squeal.”  He  also  added  that  if 
Michael  didn’t  know  better  how  to  measure 
the  men  he  undertook  to  make  solid  he  ought 
to  go  to  farming,  and  that  it  was  nothing  but 

his  own  d d stupidity  he  had  to  blame  for 

having  only  $2,500  left  for  himself. 

Of  course,  as  soon  as  Michael  Mulhooly 
had  fairly  entered  upon  his  duties  as  a legis- 
lator he  commenced  to  speculate  in  stocks  of 
all  kinds  and  especially  in  Street  Passenger 
Railway  Stocks — the  favorite  investment  of 
legislators — and  made  daily  visits  to  the  office 
of  his  brokers. 

When  one  is  a legislator  one  is  constantly 
liable  to  suspicion  and  frequently  in  danger 
of  investigating  committees.  There  are 

people  who  are  ready  to  swear  that  a legis- 
lator is  a bribe-taker  as  soon  as  he  shows 
symptoms  of  the  too-common  complaint  of 
growing  rich  without  work.  There  are 
people  who  can  not  be  made  to  understand 
how  the  business  of  a bar-room  that  never 


92 


ONE  OF  THE  CITY  FATHERS. 


could  be  made  to  pay  $1,500  a year  can  be 
made  to  yield  an  annual  income  of  $15,000,  or 
more,  as  soon  as  its  proprietor  becomes  a 
member  of  the  Municipal  Legislature ; or  how 
a lawyer,  whose  practice  never  before  would 
pay  his  office-rent,  can,  by  wholly  neglecting 
his  office  to  attend  to  the  daily  and  nightly 
meetings  of  his  Committees,  live  like  a prince 
and  buy  wine  like  a Russian  Grand  Duke. 
Nevertheless,  such  apparent  miracles  are  of 
by  no  means  rare  occurrence.  Therefore, 
when  one  is  thus  liable  to  be  misjudged,  it  is  a 
great  satisfaction  to  be  able  to  refer  to  that 
lucky  rise  in  P.  T.  & X.,  which  netted  nearly 
$10,000  clear,  and  to  hint  at  the  probability 
of  realizing,  inside  of  six  months,  a quarter  of 
a million  out  of  the  Bully-Boy-Put-Your- 
Money-Down-Here  Mine.  Of  course,  the 
mine  is  too  far  away — and  too  deep-r— to  be 
investigated ; and  no  respectable  broker  will 
open  his  books  and  exhibit  a customer’s  ac- 
count to  any  impertinent  newspaper  reporter. 

But,  however  it  happened,  as  the  years 
went  on  Michael  Mulhooly  grew  fat  in  body 
and  pocket.  After  entering  upon  his  second 


ONE  OF  THE  CITY  FATHERS. 


93 


term  he  sold  out  the  saloon,  bought  real 
estate,  and  told  the  canvasser  for  the  City 
Directory  that  his  occupation  was  “ Gentle- 
man.” Under  the  generous  living  in  which 
he  indulged,  and  the  summer-like  calm  of  the 
soul  begot  of  a still  and  quiet  conscience,  he 
gradually  developed  that  rotundity  of  person 
which  is  almost  invariably  found  to  accom- 
pany and  indicate  a genius  for  statesman- 
ship. As  he  walked  the  streets,  splendid 
from  head  to  foot  in  shining  broadcloth,  white 
cravat,  white  overcoat,  white  hat,  diamond 
shirt-studs,  yellow  kid  gloves  and  patent- 
leather  boots ; turning  the  scales  at  230 ; 
slick,  oily,  rotund  and  smiling;  bowing  to  the 
right  hand  and  to  the  left  with  something  of 
the  dignity  of  a duke  and  the  grace  of  a 
Brummel ; now  stopping  to  press  the  hand  of 
a hard-working  constituent,  and  impress  him 
with  the  honor  of  a great  man’s  notice ; now 
inviting  “ the  boys  ” into  a neighboring 
saloon,  and  now  stopping  a Judge  to  inquire 
after  the  health  of  his  Honor’s  family,  it  was 
not  strange  that  he  seemed,  both  to  his  con- 


94 


ONE  OF  THE  CITY  FATHERS. 


stituents  and  to  himself,  as  one  whom  the 
people  justly  delighted  to  honor. 

His  political  influence  also  grew  with  the 
expansion  of  his  fortune,  mind  and  body. 
He  was  now  high  in  the  rank  of  Headers,  and 
his  knees  no  longer  shook  when  he  entered 
the  presence  of  the  Boss.  He  had  served 
faithfully  those  who  had  “ made  ” him,  and 
they  found  no  fault  with  him  for  having 
likewise  served  himself.  He  was  the  undis- 
puted master  of  his  own  Ward.  There  was 
not  an  Election  District  whose  active  party- 
men  he  had  not  provided  with  places,  and 
from  which  he  could  not,  at  any  time,  com- 
mand the  delegate.  This  was  true  of  even 
the  two  Districts  which  included  within  their 
boundaries  the  fashionable  avenues  occupied 
mainly  by  bank-presidents  and  millionaires. 
It  is  true  that  his  acquaintance  with  such 
men  was  not  of  a strikingly  intimate  charac- 
ter ; but  such  men  rarely  go  to  delegate 
elections,  and  when  they  do,  their  votes  count 
for  so  little  that  they  are  seldom  counted 
at  all. 

Up  to  this  time  Michael  Mulhooly’s  public 


ONE  OF  THE  CITY  FATHERS. 


95 


career  had  been  like  a cloudless  summer 
day.  He  would  probably  have  been  satisfied 
to  remain  for  some  years  longer  in  this  posi- 
tion of  honor  and  usefulness,  had  he  not  seen 
rising  just  above  the  political  horizon  a cloud 
scarcely  larger  than  a man’s  hand.  But  he 
knew  that  it  threatened  a storm,  and  from 
boyhood  he  had  been  noted  for  that  rare  fore- 
sight which  taught  him  how  to  seek  shelter 
in  rainy  seasons.  For  some  time  what  was 
called  the  “ Reform  movement  ” had  been  ad- 
vocating the  election  of  what  was  also  called 
“ a better  class  ” of  men  to  the  Municipal 
Legislature.  Not  that  this  movement  in  the 
slightest  degree  affected  the  certainty  of  his 
own  renomination  and  re-election,  for  his 
hold  upon  the  party  was  too  strong,  and  the 
party  majority  was  too  great,  for  any  such 
movement  to  be  able  to  defeat  him  in  his 
Ward.  But  he  saw  that  this  Reform  move- 
ment, by  concentrating  all  its  force  upon  this 
one  point,  might  secure  control  of  both 
branches,  elect  both  Presidents,  and  thus  be 
enabled  to  reconstruct  all  the  standing  Com- 
mittees. 


96 


ONE  OF  THE  CITY  FATHERS. 


In  the  event  of  such  a change  occurring  he 
foresaw  the  likelihood  of  his  being  removed 
from  the  Chairmanship  of  his  Committee,  to 
which  he  owed  his  political  power  and  his 
opportunities  for  usefulness  to  himself  and 
his  friends.  He  therefore  concluded  that  it 
was  time  for  him  to  look  for  promotion.  He 
had  been  a citizen  for  nearly  ten  years  ; had 
faithfully  served  his  party  during  all  that 
time ; had  by  his  own  industry  and  talents 
become  a gentleman  of  leisure  and  a tax- 
payer; was  worth  at  least  $100,000,  and, 
therefore,  he  felt  that  he  was  entitled  to  enter 
a broader  and  higher  field  of  usefulness,  and 
he  determined  to  be  a candidate  in  his  Dis- 
trict for  a seat  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States. 


XIV. 

A Great  Public  Danger. 

THE  Congressional  District  in  winch 
Michael  Mulhooly  lived  was  composed 
of  five  Wards.  It  had  been  repre- 
sented for  one  term  by  Charles  Chauncey 
Chumbleson,  Esq.,  a gentleman  of  large 
wealth  and  aristocratic  lineage,  who,  knowing 
nothing  of  political  methods,  delegate  elec- 
tions and  District  Conventions,  but  desiring 
to  hold  an  official  position  at  Washington— for 
the  sake  of  his  two  daughters,  who  were 
anxious  to  become,  by  marriage,  the  March- 
ioness of  Carabas,  and  the  Duchess  of 
Dorking — thought  the  simplest  and  surest 
plan  was  to  pay  $5,000  for  the  honor  to  Tim 
O’Hoolahan,  Barney  McGhoul  and  Paddy 

O’Rourke,  a Committee  who  agreed  to  place 

(97) 


98 


A GREAT  PUBLIC  DANGER. 


in  his  hands,  for  that  sum,  the  certificate  of 
his  nomination  by  the  party  Convention. 

This  highly  creditable  and  satisfactory  ar- 
rangement was  carried  out  to  the  letter  by 
each  of  the  contracting  parties,  and,  as  the 
majority  in  the  District  was  nearly  nine 
thousand,  he  was  duly  elected  without  further 
trouble  and  with  comparatively  little  addi- 
tional expense.  He  continued  to  contribute 
liberally  to  all  the  party  organizations  and 
associations  in  his  District,  but,  when  he  had 
done  that,  he  considered  that  he  had  faithfully 
discharged  his  full  duty  to  his  Constituents- 
by-purchase,  and  would  not  enter  a depart- 
ment to  ask  for  a single  appointment.  Nor 
did  he  feel  bound  to  break  the  fashionable 
calm  of  his  existence  by  useless  efforts  to 
make  himself  heard  by  uninterested  and  in- 
attentive Members  on  the  floor,  or  by  the 
almost  indiscernible  spectators  in  the  far- 
distant  galleries. 

The  Hon.  Charles  Chauncey  Chumbleson 
thus  made  two  fatal  mistakes.  The  party- 
workers  who  make  nominations  consider  that 
the  main  object  and  purpose  of  sending  a 


A GREAT  PUBLIC  DANGER. 


99 


Representative  to  Congress  is  to  secure, 
through  him,  the  appointment  of  the  greatest 
possible  number  of  men  from  his  District  to 
positions  in  the  Navy  Yard,  the  Post-Office, 
the  Treasury,  the  Custom-House  and  the 
various  Departments  at  Washington.  On 
the  other  hand,  business  men  and  people  of 
intelligence,  who  care  nothing  for  and  know 
nothing  about  these  appointments  and  the 
important  part  they  play  in  practical  politics, 
believe  that  a Congressman  should  have 
broad,  profound  and  decided  views  of  his  own 
on  all  questions  affecting  the  policy  of  the 
national  government  at  home  and  abroad,  and 
that  he  should  be  able  to  impress  those  views 
upon  his  colleagues  and  upon  the  Country. 
It  was  evident,  therefore,  that  however  widely 
these  two  classes  differed  on  this  subject,  they 
entirely  agreed  that  Hon.  Charles  Chauncey 
Chumbleson  was  a failure  as  a member  of 
Congress,  and  ought  not  to  be  renominated. 
He  was,  nevertheless,  a candidate,  and  hoped 
that,  through  the  agency  of  Tim  O’Hoolahan, 
he  might  be  again  able  to  buy  a certificate  for 
a second  term,  just  as  he  was  accustomed  to 


100 


A GREAT  PUBLIC  DANGER. 


buy  a pug  dog  for  his  daughter,  or  a new 
coupd  for  his  wife. 

The  Reform  element  of  the  party,  led  by 
men  of  wealth,  culture  and  character,  had 
determined  to  nominate  and  elect  Mr.  Henry 
Armor,  whom  they  considered  in  every  way 
worthy  of  such  a position,  and  who,  by  his 
eloquent  speeches  and  scholarly  articles,  pub- 
lished in  the  magazines  to  which  he  was  a 
contributor,  was  recognized  as  the  leader  of 
the  Reform  movement.  Though  still  a young 
man,  he  had  given  unmistakable  evidences 
of  the  possession  of  talents  of  the  very  high- 
est order,  and  had  already  won  a national 
reputation  as  an  orator.  He  possessed  all  the 
advantages  of  good  birth,,  an  admirable  educa- 
tion improved  by  foreign  travel,  large  means, 
which  enabled  him  to  practice  the  profession 
of  his  choice  without  being  dependent  upon  it 
for  his  livelihood,  an  acquaintance  with  most 
of  the  literary  men  and  prominent  statesmen 
of  the  country,  and  a large  circle  of  intimate 
and  admiring  friends,  to  whom  his  modesty, 
genial  manners,  purity  of  heart,  manliness  of 


A GREAT  PUBLIC  DANGER. 


101 


character  and  brilliant  intellect  had  greatly- 
endeared  him. 

He  was  the  irreconcilable  enemy  of  the  new 
school  of  politics  of  which  Michael  Mulhooly 
was  the  perfect  type.  He  believed  in  the 
almost  obsolete  methods  of  his  fathers,  and 
contended  that  the  people  not  only  had  the 
right  to  select  their  own  servants  for  them- 
selves, but  also  that  they  had  the  right  to  do 
it  without  the  aid,  instrumentality,  agency  or 
dictation  of  any  Leader  or  set  of  Leaders. 
He  professed  to  believe  that  the  people  them- 
selves could  select  more  honest  and  more 
capable  public  officers  than  had  ever  been,  or 
ever  would  be,  selected  for  them  by  the  Lead- 
ers, the  Ring  and  the  Boss,  however  excep- 
tionally qualified  for  the  discharge  of  this 
duty  many  of  them  might  be,  after  a few 
years’  residence  in  this  country,  by  reason  of 
their  foreign  birth. 

He  claimed  that,  as  the  stockholders  of  a 
Bank  choose  their  Board  of  Directors,  and  as 
the  Directors  in  turn  choose  a President  and 
a Cashier  on  account  of  their  proved  capacity 
and  integrity,  and  not  on  account  of  their 


102 


A GREAT  PUBLIC  DANGER. 


political  views,  so  the  Mayor,  Comptroller 
and  Treasurer  of  a great  city  should  be 
selected,  not  because  of  their  services  to  this 
party  or  to  that,  but  because  of  their  special 
qualifications  for  these  offices  and  their  ap- 
proved fidelity  to  the  people  and  to  the  high 
trusts  reposed  in  them  by  the  people.  He 
even  advocated  that  un-American  idea  known 
as  Civil  Service  Reform,  which  teaches  that 
the  clerks  and  letter-carriers  in  the  Post- 
Office  ought  not  to  be  turned  out  every  time 
a new  Post-Master  is  appointed,  and  their 
places  filled  by  others  who,  though  able  to  go 
to  Conventions,  know  nothing  of  the  new 
duties  required  of  them ; and  that  clerks  in 
the  United  States  Treasury  Department  who 
have  had  twenty  years’  experience  in  the  pub- 
lic service  are  not  necessarily  unfitted  to  re- 
main and  unworthy  of  trust  because  they  do 
not  belong  to  the  same  political  party  which 
has  happened,  by  an  8 to  7 vote,  to  elect  the 
incoming  President. 

Pie  even  went  beyond  these  impracticable 
dreamers  and  taught  seditious  doctrines  of 
the  most  dangerous  character.  While  admit- 


A GREAT  PUBLIC  DANGER. 


103 


ting  that  in  a Republic  great  political  parties 
are  necessary  to  promote  great  political  doc- 
trines, he  contended  that  the  natural  and 
inevitable  tendency  of  every  party  is,  in  the 
course  of  time,  to  permit  the  entire  control  of 
the  party  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  some  selfish 
man,  or  set  of  men,  and  thus  to  become  cor- 
rupt and  unworthy  of  public  confidence ; and 
that,  just  as  destructive  thunder-storms  are 
necessary  in  nature  to  purify  the  atmosphere 
from  pestilential  and  deadly  vapors,  so  the 
occasional  defeat  of  the  party  in  power  is 
essential  for  its  own  purification,  in  order  to 
break  off  the  corrupt  hold  of  party  dictators 
and  remand  back  to  the  people  the  power 
wrested  from  them. 

He  contended  that  this  party  purification 
could  not  be  effected  by  amendment  of  the 
party  rules,  or  tinkering  at  the  party  ma- 
chinery, because  the  party  rubes  and  the  party 
machinery  are,  and  always  must  be,  com- 
pletely under  the  control  of  these  party  dic- 
tators. He  claimed  that  the  hope  of  the 
country  for  the  future  was  in  the  Indepen- 
dent Voter,  who  would  antagonize  his  party 


104 


A GREAT  PUBLIC  DANGER. 


when  he  found  that  it  was  becoming  corrupt, 
and  in  the  “ Scratcher,”  who  would  not  hes- 
itate at  any  time  to  erase  from  his  ticket  the 
name  of  an  improper  candidate  improperly 
placed  upon  it.  He  often  said,  “ The  Inde- 
pendent Voter  and  the  Scratcher  are  the 
country’s  safest,  cheapest  and  best  doctors. 
You  must  starve  the  Boss  system  to  death  to 
kill  it.”  He  boldly  attacked  those  party  dic- 
tators whom  he  called  “ our  political  gods  of 
Irish  parentage ,”  and  he  denounced  Boss-rule 
as  an  insult  to  a free  people,  a disgrace  to 
American  civilization,  and  the  shame  of  our 
age  and  country. 

These  dangerous  views — in  which  he  was 
sincere,  however  much  mistaken — he  advo- 
cated in  eloquent,  scholarly  and  plausible 
speeches,  which  attracted  universal  atten- 
tion and  made  not  a few  converts. 

It  was,  therefore,  manifestly  unsafe  to  per- 
mit such  a man  to  attain  any  position  of  in- 
fluence and  power  in  his  party.  His  success 
would  not  only  greatly  extend  his  opportu- 
nities for  preaching  and  promulgating  these 
seditious  doctrines,  but  it  would  be  at  once  an 


Copyrighted  1889,  by  Gebbie  & Co. 


A GREAT  PUBLIC  DANGER. 


105 


insult  and  a menace  to  those  who  had  done  so 
much  to  build  up  the  party  and  promote  its 
success. 

The  great  Leaders  and  the  Boss  held  a sol- 
emn council.  They  felt  that  a grave  public 
danger  was  impending  over  the  party  and  the 
country,  and  They  determined  that  his  nom- 
ination must  be  prevented  at  any  cost. 

Just  at  this  opportune  moment  Blossom 
Brick  suggested  that  Michael  Mulhooly,  who 
had  proved  his  fidelity  to  Them  and  to  Their 
system  in  numberless  ways,  and  who  would 
have  his  own  Ward  “ solid  ” to  start  with, 
would  be  the  best  man  They  could  find  in  the 
Congressional  District  to  support  for  this 
nomination.  The  emergency  was  indeed  a 
grave  one,  and  this  suggestion  at  the  time 
proved  to  be  a masterpiece  of  statesmanship. 
They  saw  at  once  that  They  could  fill  Michael 
Mulhooly’s  place  with  a man  of  equal  fidelity, 
and  that  by  promoting  him  to  Congress  his 
influence  would  be  extended  over  five  Wards, 
and  that  they  would  thus  be  able  to  control  a 
large  number  of  valuable  appointments  which 
had  been  wholly  lost  to  Them  by  the  utter 


106 


A GREAT  PUBLIC  DANGER. 


incapacity  of  Hon.  Charles  Chauncey  Churn- 
bleson. 

The  Boss,  according  to  his  custom,  spoke 
first  and  spoke  briefly.  He  said,  “ I’m  fur 
’im;”  and  Blossom  Brick  replied,  “That  set- 
tles the  business.  We’re  solid  for  Mulhooly.” 

It  was,  therefore,  immediately  determined 
that  Michael  Mulhooly  should  be  the  next 
Congressman  from  that  Congressional  Dis- 
trict, and  accordingly  the  decree  went  forth 
through  every  Department  under  Their  con- 
trol, and  to  the  remotest  corners  of  Their 
dominions. 


XV. 

The  Canvass. 

mICHAEL  MULHOOLY  at  once  set 
to  work  to  canvass  his  Congressional 
District  in  a manner  which  indicated 
that  he  thoroughly  understood  his  business. 

He  did  not  waste  his  time  hunting  up 
ministers  of  the  gospel,  or  bank  presidents,  or 
the  ostensibly  masculine  leaders  of  fashion- 
able society.  He  knew  that  the  people  who 
dwell  in  courts  and  alleys  and  unfashionable 
streets  outnumber  ten  to  one  those  who  live 
in  brown-stone  and  marble  palaces — and  out- 
vote them  all  the  time.  And  he  knew  meth- 
ods of  appealing  to  the  more  numerous  classes 
far  more  effectively  than  by  speeches,  or  pub- 
lic meetings,  or  the  publication  in  the  news- 
papers of  cards  signed  by  “ thousands  of  our 
business  men  and  best  citizens.” 


(107) 


108 


THE  CANVASS. 


In  company  with  some  local  Leader  familiar 
with  the  people,  he  visited  every  bar-room  in 
every  Election  District,  having  previously 
notified  the  proprietor  to  inform  as  many  of 
the  workers  as  he  could  reach  that  the  Hon- 
orable Michael  Mulhooly  would  be  at  the 
saloon  on  such  an  evening,  to  meet  and  con- 
sult with  his  friends. 

He  endeavored  to  convince  those  whom  he 
thus  met  that  he  was  qualified  for  a seat  in 
the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  by  treat- 
ing and  drinking  with  them  every  five  min- 
utes, and  by  assuring  them,  during  the  short 
intervals  between  drinks,  of  his  intention  to 
take  care  of  “ the  boys,”  and  by  promising 
innumerable  appointments,  from  $3,000  clerk- 
ships in  the  Treasury  Department  down  to 
the  less  responsible  employment  as  day  la- 
borer in  the  Custom-House.  He  well  knew 
that  these  were  arguments  which  proved  his 
fitness  for  Congressional  honors  far  more 
conclusively  than  the  most  learned  discus- 
sion of  national  issues.  He  seldom  left  a 
bar-room  without  the  most  satisfactory  assur- 
ances of  the  success  of  his  arguments ; these 


THE  CANVASS. 


109 


assurances  being  conveyed  to  him  through 
such  expressions  as  “ Three  cheers  for  our 
next  Congressman,”  “You  bet  the  boys  are 
all  with  you,”  and  “ We’re  solid  for  Mike 
Mulhooly  all  the  time.” 

[The  use  of  such  arguments  Henry  Armor 
and  his  friends  did  not  understand.] 

Thus  he  spent  his  nights,  seldom  reaching 
his  bed  until  near  day-break.  But  his  most 
scientific  work  was  done  in  the  day-time, 
when,  with  the  assistance  of  Blossom  Brick, 
the  other  Leaders  and  the  Boss,  he  endeav- 
ored to  make  sure  that  those  whom  he  saw  at 
night  should  be  “ solid  for  Mike  Mulhooly  all 
the  time,”  by  preventing  them  from  being 
anything  else.  This  was  done  by  selecting 
the  delegates  who  were  to  run  in  each 
Election  District,  and  by  setting  right  the 
officers  who  were  to  conduct  the  primary 
elections.  It  is  in  this  kind  of  work  that  a 
genius  for  leadership  is  displayed  to  the 
greatest  advantage. 

To  pick  out  a man  who  can  be  relied  on, 
and  who  can  carry  his  Election  District 
against  all  opposition ; to  select  a man  who 


110 


THE  CANVASS. 


can  induce  the  opposition  to  run  him  in  a 
District  which  they  are  certain  to  carry,  and 
who  will  betray  them  when  he  enters  the 
Convention  ; to  make  such  arrangements  with 
the  election  officers  that  a District  which  can- 
not he  carried  in  any  way  will  yet  return 
friendly  delegates, — these  are  the  strategic 
movements  which  betray  political  general- 
ship, and  show  that  the  master-hand  of  the 
great  Deader,  or  the  greater  Boss,  has  not 
been  idle.  These  are  the  scientific  move- 
ments on  the  political  chess-board,  by  which 
pawns  are  made  knights  and  bishops  and 
queens  before  the  movement  is  discovered  by 
the  adversary,  and  which  decide  political 
battles.  And  that  political  chess-pawn  whose 
scruples  prevent  him  from  jumping  a square, 
contrary  to  the  laws  of  the  game,  when  the 
Great  Player  indicates  that  He  wishes  such 
an  advantage  of  position,  need  not  hope  for 
reward  or  favor.  His  usefulness  on  the  polit- 
ical chess-board  is  ended. 

[Of  this  kind  of  political  chess-playing 
Henry  Armor  and  his  friends  had  no  knowl- 
edge.] 


THE  CANVASS. 


Ill 


But  the  most  important  part  of  the  con- 
test yet  remained  to  be  accomplished.  The 
temporary  chairman  who  would  organize  the 
Convention  had  not  yet  been  elected,  and  to 
capture  him  was  to  hold  the  key  to  the  situa- 
tion ; for,  in  the  language  of  Blossom  Brick, 
u The  temporary  chairman  is  the  Convention. 
He's  ah  8 to  7 man  all  the  timeT 

If  a candidate  has  failed  to  elect  a majority 
of  the  delegates,  but  has  secured  the  tem- 
porary chairman,  it  is  his  own  fault,  or  that 
of  the  person  selected  for  that  position,  if  he 
does  not  secure  the  nomination. 

Under  the  Rules,  that  officer  was  elected 
by  the  members  of  the  City  Committee  from 
the  five  Wards  which  constituted  the  Con- 
gressional District.  It  was,  therefore,  neces- 
sary to  make  sure  that  three  of  these  five 
Committee-men  would  vote  for  John  O’Doyle, 
an  ex-member  of  the  Legislature,  with  large 
experience  in  organizing  Conventions,  and  at 
present  a Street  Commissioner,  who  had  been 
selected  for  this  responsible  position  by 
Michael  Mulhooly.  The  gentlemen  upon 


112 


THE  CANVASS. 


whom  the  duty  of  making  this  selection 
devolved  were — 

1.  Tim.  O’Hoolahan. 

2.  Owen  McPeak. 

3.  Daniel  McGrody. 

4.  Dominick  McTee. 

5.  James  Sullivan. 

O’Hoolahan  at  this  time  held  a position  in 
the  Department  of  Sewers,  but  was  in  the 
interest  of  Hon.  Charles  Chauncey  Chumble- 
son,  and  it  was  understood  that  he  was  pre- 
pared to  purchase  the  temporary  chairman 
with  cash,  if  it  could  be  done  within  reason- 
able limits. 

McPeak  was  the  member  from  Michael 
Mulhooly’s  Ward  and  had  been  recently  ap- 
pointed by  him  to  a clerkship  in  the  Treas- 
urer’s office,  and  could  therefore  be  relied  on. 

McGrody  was  an  assistant  engineer  in  the 
Department  of  Fires,  but,  having  been  dis- 
charged from  a situation  in  the  Department 
of  Taxes,  about  a year  before,  for  acting  con- 
trary to  Blossom  Brick’s  orders,  it  was  doubt- 


THE  CANVASS. 


113 


fill  whether  he  could  be  induced  to  vote  for 
any  one  in  whom  Blossom  Brick  was  inter- 
ested. 

McTee  was  an  appointee  of  the  Boss  in  the 
Department  of  Public  Buildings,  but  it  was 
feared  that  O’Hoolahan  would  secure  his  vote 
with  money,  even  if  he  had  to  give  up  his 
situation,  which  paid  him  only  a small  salary. 
Sullivan  had  recently  been  discharged  from 
the  Department  of  Health,  and  was  at  this 
time  a candidate  for  the  nomination  for  the 
Municipal  Legislature. 

McPeak’s  vote  was,  therefore,  the  only  one 
which  could  be  relied  on.  It  was . absolutely 
necessary  to  secure  two  more  votes,  and,  to 
guard  against  accidents,  an  additional  vote,  if 
possible. 

When  a member  of  the  City  Committee 
finds  that  his  vote  is  indispensable,  he  nat- 
urally places  a high  value  upon  it  and  takes 
advantage  of  the  situation.  And  now  began 
a series  of  interviews  and  negotiations  as  deli- 
cate and  as  guardedly  conducted  on  both  sides, 
as  those  diplomatic  interviews  between  the 


114 


THE  CANVASS. 


representatives  of  great  powers,  upon  which 
hang  the  fate  of  empires. 

Sullivan  was  offered,  first,  a $2,000  clerk- 
ship in  the  Department  of  Water,  which  he 
refused;  then,  an  Inspectorship  in  the  De- 
partment of  Streets,  with  opportunities  to 
make  aliunde  $5,000  a year,  which  he  also 
refused ; and,  finally,  when  nothing  else 
would  satisfy  him,  he  was  assured  of  the 
nomination  which  he  desired,  whereupon  he 
agreed  to  vote  for  any  person  whom  the  Boss 
might  name,  and  promised  to  be  forever  after- 
wards His  most  dutiful  servant. 

McTee  was  sent  for  and  told  what  was  ex- 
pected of  him,  whereupon  he  declared  that  he 
couldn’t  support  his  family  on  the  small 
salary  he  was  getting,  and  intended  to  resign. 
He  was  told  to  do  so,  and  left,  swearing  that 
he  was  “ agin  Mike  Mulhooly  all  the  time.” 
A day  or  two  later,  however,  he  was  again 
sent  for,  and  upon  being  offered  the  $2,000 
clerkship  in  the  Department  of  Water,  which 
had  been  refused  by  Sullivan,  gladly  accepted 
it,  and  swore  that  he  had  been  “ solid  for 
Mulhooly  all  the  time.”  Thus  three  votes 


THE  CANVASS. 


115 


were  now  promised ; but,  in  order  that  no 
mistake  might  be  made,  a brother  of  McGrody 
was  given  a place  in  the  Department  of  Parks 
as  an  overseer  of  laborers,  and  thus  a fourth 
vote  was  secured. 

The  five  Committee-men  met  and  elected 
Hon.  John  O’Doyle  temporary  Chairman  to 
organize  the  Convention. 

[Of  these  diplomatic  interviews  and  of  this 
strategic  movement  Henry  Armor  and  his 
friends  knew  nothing.] 

To  judge  from  the  talk  one  heard  in  count- 
ing-houses, in  the  private  offices  of  bank- 
presidents,  at  the  club,  and  on  the  church 
steps,  the  nomination  of  Henry  Armor  was 
inevitable.  It  was  universally  agreed  by  all 
the  good  people  one  met  in  such  places  that 
his  popularity  was  so  great,  his  capacity  so 
well  known,  his  character  so  spotless,  and  the 
propriety  of  placing  him  where  his  great  tal- 
ents could  be  devoted  to  the  good  of  his 
country,  so  manifest,  that  the  mere  suggestion 
of  his  candidacy  was  equivalent  to  a positive 
assurance  of  his  triumphant  election  over  all 
opposition. 


116 


THE  CANVASS. 


The  primary  elections  were  duly  held,  and 
after  a careful  canvass  of  the  results,  it  was 
claimed  by  Mr.  Armor’s  friends  that  he  had 
certainly  elected  sixty-one  out  of  the  ninety- 
seven  delegates,  or  twelve  more  than  were 
necessary  to  nominate  him,  after  conceding 
all  doubtful  and  contested  Election  Districts 
to  his  two  opponents. 

It  had  not  been  expected  that  the  combined 
opposition  would  show  so  much  strength,  but 
the  result  was  in  every  way  most  satisfactory, 
and  his  nomination  on  the  next  day  but  one 
was  considered  a foregone  conclusion. 


The  Convention. 


ID 


^HEN  the  hour  for  the  Convention  to 
assemble  came  it  was  found  that 
Michael  Mulhooly’s  friends  had  pos- 
session of  the  Hall,  and  that  the  doorkeepers, 
who  had  been  appointed  by  the  temporary 
chairman,  refused  to  admit  any  delegates  ex- 
cept those  whose  names  appeared  upon  a 
printed  list,  which  had  been  prepared  by  the 
Chairman  of  the  City  Committee. 

It  was  found  that  by  this  manoeuvre  but 
forty-two  of  the  Armor  delegates,  or  seven 
less  than  a majority,  were  admitted  to  the 
room.  Those  who  were  refused  admission 
were  told  that  they  would  have  to  go  before 
the  Committee  on  Contested  Seats,  which 
would  be  appointed  immediately  after  the 

calling  of  the  Convention  to  order,  when  they 

(117) 


118 


THE  CONVENTION. 


might,  if  they  could,  establish  to  the  satisfac- 
tion of  the  Committee  their  right  to  sit  as 
delegates. 

Promptly  at  n o’clock  the  temporary 
Chairman  rapped  sharply  on  the  table  and 
declared  that  he  had  been  delegated  by  the 
City  Committee,  in  accordance  with  section  i 
of  Rule  III.,  to  organize  the  Convention,  and 
he  thereupon  appointed  as  temporary  secre- 
taries John  McNulty  and  Michael  Dugan. 
The  Chairman  then  directed  one  of  the  secre- 
taries to  call  the  roll  from  the  printed  list 
which  had  been  prepared  by  the  Chairman 
and  secretaries  of  the  City  Committee. 

An  examination  of  this  printed  list  showed 
the  Armor  men  that,  according  to  their  re- 
ports, the  names  of  nineteen  Armor  delegates 
had  been  left  off,  and  the  names  of  nineteen 
Mulhooly  men  placed  on  the  list  in  place  of 
those  omitted. 

Honorable  Ingersole  Aspenwall,  a vener- 
able gentleman  who  had  represented  his  gov- 
ernment at  two  European  Courts,  took  the 
floor  and  courteously  called  the  Chairman’s 
attention  to  the  fact  that  there  were  several 


THE  CONVENTION. 


119 


mistakes  made  in  the  names  of  the  delegates 
from  his  own  Ward;  that  in  the  seventh 
Election  District  the  name  of  Patrick  Dugan, 
who  had  received  but  seventy-three  of  the 
votes  cast,  had  been  inadvertently  substituted 
for  that  of  Mr.  Howard  Fielding,  for  whom 
one  hundred  and  twenty-two  votes  had  been 
polled,  and  to  whom  the  election  officers  had 
given  the  certificate ; and  also  that  the  name 
of  Mr.  Brantley  Livingstone,  who  had  been 
elected  in  the  thirteenth  Election  District 
without  opposition,  was  not  to  be  found  on 
the  printed  list,  but  in  its  place  he  found  the 
name  of  Dennis  Mooley,  who  had  not  been 
mentioned  as  a candidate,  or  even  voted  for. 

Here  a gentleman,  evidently  laboring  under 
great  excitement,  and  brandishing  his  arms 
in  a threatening  manner,  said,  “ Mr.  Prisi- 
dint,  it’s  a dom’d  lie,  and  it’s  misilf,  Dennis 
Mooly , as  knows  it  an’  sez  it ; and’ll  trow  ony 
mon  out  of  the  wundy  that  sez  I’m  not  a 
dacintly  ilicted  diligate.  I’m  fur  Mike  Mul- 
hooly,  and  that’s  wat’s  the  mather.” 

The  speaker  continued  to  brandish  his 


120 


THE  CONVENTION. 


arms,  but  his  voice  was  drowned  in  the  vocif- 
erous cheers  for  Mr.  Mulhooly. 

“ Mr.  Chairman,”  continued  Mr.  Aspen- 
wall,  not  noticing  the  threat  to  throw  him  out 
of  the  “ wundy,”  “ I cannot  suppose  that  these 
irregularities  and  mistakes  were  intention- 
ally made  by  the  Chairman  of  the  City  Com- 
mittee, but ” 

The  Chairman  : “ For  the  information  of 
the  gentleman  the  secretary  will  read  Section 
5 of  Rule  IV.” 

The  secretary  read  as  follows  : 

‘ ‘ Section  5.  The  election  officers  of  each 
Election  District  shall,  on  the  day  after  the  pri- 
mary election,  furnish  duplicate  returns  of  the 
votes  cast  for  delegates  to  the  Chairman  and  sec- 
retaries of  the  City  Committee,  who  shall  sit  at 
the  Committee  Rooms  between  the  hours  of  12  M. 
and  2 P.  m.  on  that  day  for  the  purpose  of  receiv- 
ing such  returns  ; and  they  shall  from  the  dupli- 
cate returns  so  presented  to  them  make  up  a list 
of  the  delegates  who  appear  to  have  been  elected 
to  each  Convention,  and  shall  furnish  a printed 
copy  of  said  list  to  the  Temporary  Chairman  of 
such  Convention  before  9 o’clock  of  the  day  for 
holding  the  Convention,  which  list  shall  be  the 


THE  CONVENTION. 


121 


roll  of  the  Convention  until  corrected  by  the 
adoption  of  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Con- 
tested Seats.” 

The  Chairman  : “ The  gentleman  will, 
therefore,  see  that  if  such  mistakes  as  he 
alludes  to  have  been  made,  the  Chair  is  pow- 
erless to  correct  them,  but  they  must  be 
passed  upon  by  the  Committee  on  Contested 
Seats,  which  will  be  selected  in  the  manner 
prescribed  by  the  Rules  as  soon  as  the  secre- 
tary has  finished  calling  the  roll.” 

Mr.  Aspenwale  : “ But  the  Chair  must  see 
that  the  gentlemen  who  have  been  regularly 
elected — -nineteen  of  them,  I am  informed — 
have  not  only  been  excluded  from  the  Hall, 
but  they  have  not  even  been  notified  of  this 
action,  or  that  there  is  any  dispute  about  their 
right  to  their  seats  ; and,  therefore,  they  came 
here  without  having  given  the  notice  required 
by  the  Rules  to  entitle  them  to  appear  as  con- 
testants, and  without  having  prepared  the 
requisite  petition  to  entitle  them  to  be  heard 
by  the  Committee.  But  what  is  still  worse 
is  that  nineteen  other  gentlemen,  some  of 
whom  were  not  even  voted  for  by  the  people, 


122 


THE  CONVENTION. 


have  been  placed  on  the  roll  as  delegates, 
have  been  admitted  to  the  Hall,  are  allowed 
to  participate  in  drawing  the  Committee  on 
Contested  Seats,  and,  as  no  notice  has  been 
served  that  their  seats  are  contested,  may 
even  sit  on  that  Committee  and  refuse  to  hear 
those  whose  seats  they  have  wrongfully  taken. 
The  manifest  unfairness,  injustice  and  irreg- 
ularity of  such  a proceeding  must ” 

The  Chairman  : “ The  gentleman  is  out 
of  order.  The  Chair  does  not  make  the 
Rules.  Its  only  duty  is  to  interpret  and  en- 
force them,  and  that  it  proposes  to  do  fairly 
and  honestly.” 

Mr.  Aspenwall : “I  move  the  appoint- 
ment of  a Committee ” 

The  Chairman  : “ The  gentleman  is  again 
out  of  order.  Under  the  order  of  business 
laid  down  in  Section  2 of  Rule  V.,  no  motion, 
except  to  take  a recess,  is  in  order  until  the 
report  of  the  Committee  on  Contested  Seats 
has  been  made  to  the  Convention.  The 
Chair  will  be  compelled  to  refuse  to  recognize 
any  gentleman  until  the  calling  of  the  roll 


THE  CONVENTION. 


123 


is  finished.  The  secretary  will  proceed  with 
the  call  of  the  roll.” 

When  the  secretary  had  finished  several 
gentlemen  attempted  to  call  attention  to  the 
omission  of  the  names  of  regularly-elected 
delegates  and  the  substitution  of  others,  and 
great  confusion  and  excitement  followed. 
For  fully  fifteen  minutes  the  Chairman  con- 
tinued to  pound  on  the  table  with  a hammer 
which  he  used  for  a gavel,  and  tried  to  per- 
suade the  delegates  to  take  their  seats.  For 
some  time  it  looked  as  if  a detachment  of  po- 
lice would  have  to  be  sent  for  to  clear  the 
Hall.  Finally,  in  a temporary  lull,  the 
Chairman  succeeded  in  announcing  that  the 
first  business  in  order  was  the  selection  of  the 
Committee  on  Contested  Seats,  and  directed 
the  secretary  to  read  Section  3 of  Rule  V., 
which  was  in  these  words  : 

‘ ‘ Section  3.  Immediately  after  the  calling  of 
the  roll  lias  been  concluded,  a committee  of  seven 
delegates,  to  whom  shall  be  referred,  without  de- 
bate, all  questions  relative  to  contested  seats  in 
the  convention,  shall  be  drawn  in  the  following 
manner ; 


124 


THE  CONVENTION. 


“The  secretaries  shall  write  upon  separate 
slips  of  paper  of  equal  size  the  names  of  all  dele- 
gates whose  seats  are  uncontested  (and  no  dele- 
gate’s seat  shall  be  considered  as  contested  unless 
the  notice  provided  for  in  Section  8 of  Rule  IV. 
shall  have  been  given),  and  when  the  slips  shall 
have  been  thus  prepared,  they  shall  be  handed  to 
the  temporary  Chairman,  and  be  by  him  exam- 
ined and  counted,  and  if  he  shall  find  them  to  be 
correct,  he  shall  then  place  them  in  a hat  or  box 
and  see  that  they  are  thoroughly  shaken  and 
mixed  together.  One  secretary  shall  then  draw  a 
slip  from  the  hat  or  box  and  hand  it  to  the  tem- 
porary Chairman,  who  shall  announce  the  name 
appearing  thereon  to  the  Convention,  which  name 
shall  be  forthwith  recorded  by  the  other  secretary. 
Any  delegate  may  then  peremptorily  challenge 
the  right  of  the  person  so  drawn  to  serve  upon 
said  committee,  whereupon  the  name  so  chal- 
lenged shall  be  marked  ‘Challenged.’  Another 
slip  shall  then  be  drawn,  and  the  name  thereon 
announced  and  recorded,  and  so  on,  until  but 
seven  slips  remain  in  the  hat,  when  the  seven 
slips  so  remaining  shall  be  handed  to  the  tem- 
porary Chairman,  who  shall  announce  the  names 
which  appear  thereon  as  the  members  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Contested  Seats,  and  no  challenge  shall 


THE  CONVENTION. 


125 


be  allowed  to  any  of  the  said  seven  names  so 
drawn.  ’ ’ 

This  rule  had  been  recently  adopted  be- 
cause the  old  rule,  which  allowed  the  tem- 
porary Chairman  to  appoint  this  Committee, 
was  found  to  invariably  result  in  the  selection 
of  a Committee  wholly  in  the  interest  of  the 
candidate  favored  by  the  temporary  Chair- 
man, and  in  the  unseating  of  a sufficient 
number  of  delegates  by  the  Committee  to  se- 
cure a majority  in  favor  of  the  fortunate 
candidate. 

In  theory,  the  new  rule  was  admitted  to  be 
perfectly  fair,  as  it  left  the  selection  of  the 
Committee  almost  entirely  to  chance.  But 
persons  were  not  wanting  who  contended  that 
its  practical  operation  was  no  better  than  that 
of  the  old  rule,  which  made  the  temporary 
Chairman  “ an  8 to  7 man  all  the  time.” 
They  alleged  that  this  rule  was  only  used  as 
a screen,  behind  which  to  perpetrate  the  old- 
fashioned  frauds,  and  that  the  Chairman  and 
Secretaries  invariably  managed  to  draw  a 
majority  of  the  Committee  favorable  to  their 
candidate.  They  contended  that  it  was  the 


126 


THE  CONVENTION. 


easiest  tiling  in  the  world  to  do  so  by  giving 
the  seven  slips  previously  agreed  upon  some 
slight  peculiarity  of  size,  shape  or  color, 
or  by  miscalling  the  names,  or  by  secret- 
ing these  slips  under  the  hat-band  or  in 
the  sleeve — tricks  which  could  be  easily  per- 
formed without  danger  of  discovery  by  one  not 
possessing  the  skill  of  a sleight-of  hand  per- 
former. Of  course,  these  complaints  were 
always  made  by  defeated  and  disappointed  can- 
didates. 

The  drawing  then  proceeded  according  to 
the  rule,  and  resulted  in  the  selection  of  the 
following  persons,  viz. : 

Fred.  M.  Finnel,  an  Armor  delegate. 

James  Smith,  “ “ “ 

Edward  Whitley,  a Chumbleson  delegate. 
James  Kelly,  “ Mulhooly  “ 

Patrick  Donohue,  “ “ “ 

John  McGinnis,  “ “ “ 

Terrence  McGlue,  “ “ “ 

The  Committee,  therefore,  stood  four  for 
Mulhooly,  two  for  Armor,  and  one  for  Chum- 
bleson.  The  Armor  and  Chumbleson  dele- 


THE  CONVENTION. 


127 


gates  had  never  before  been  in  a Convention, 
and  knew  nothing  of  their  duties  as  members 
of  such  a Committee,  while  the  Mulhooly  men 
were  experts.  All  four  held  positions  in  De- 
partments controlled  by  the  Boss,  and  could 
be  relied  upon  not  to  lose  a trick. 

The  Committee  immediately  retired,  and, 
after  selecting  James  Kelly  as  Chairman,  an- 
nounced that  they  would  hear  all  persons 
claiming  seats  in  the  Convention,  including 
those  who  had  not  given  notice  or  prepared 
petitions  according  to  the  Rules.  This  spirit 
of  fair  dealing  was  highly  commended.  They 
were  in  session  for  nearly  two  hours,  and 
finally  reported  in  favor  of  the  sitting  dele- 
gates, and  consequently  against  the  nineteen 
Armor  delegates,  who  had  been  prevented 
from  entering  the  Hall.  The  Armor  mem- 
bers made  a minority  report,  but  the  Conven- 
tion adopted  the  report  of  the  majority  by 
a vote  of  fifty-one  to  forty-six,  and  by  the 
same  vote  elected  Hon.  Samuel  Snort  Pres- 
ident, and  made  the  temporary  secretaries 
officers  of  the  Convention. 

The  Convention  being  thu  organized,  the 


128 


THE  CONVENTION. 


President  announced  that  nominations  were 
now  in  order,  and  called  for  the  pledges  re- 
quired of  candidates  by  Section  9 of  Rule  V., 
which  was  in  these  words  : 

“Section  9.  No  candidate  shall  be  placed  in 
nomination  or  voted  for  in  any  Convention,  until 
he  shall  have  signed  and  filed  with  the  Chairman 
the  following  written  pledge,  which  shall  be  in 
all  cases  read  to  the  Convention  : 

‘ ‘ I pledge  my  honor  that  I will  abide  by  the 
decision  of  this  Convention,  and  will  support  its 
nominee  or  nominees  ; and  that  I will  not  under 
any  circumstances  run  as  an  independent' candi- 
date, or  permit  my  name  to  be  used  as  a candidate 
for  the  office  of , by  any  other  party,  associa- 

tion, meeting  or  committee.” 

The  pledges  of  Mr.  Michael  Mulhooly  and 
Hon.  Charles  Chauncey  Chumbleson  were 
then  handed  up  and  read,  but  no  response 
was  made  to  the  call  for  Mr.  Armor’s  pledge. 

Hon.  Emanuel  Fairweather  then  nominated 
Hon.  Michael  Mulhooly,  and  paid  a glowing 
tribute  to  his  personal  worth,  his  party  ser- 
vice, and  his  spotless  record  in  the  Municipal 
Legislature. 


THE  CONVENTION. 


129 


Hon.  Charles  Chauncey  Chumbleson  was 
also  nominated,  but  the  name  of  Henry 
Armor  was  not  mentioned. 

A ballot  was  immediately  taken,  which 
resulted  as  follows : 

Mulhooly,  51. 

Chumbleson,  4. 

The  Armor  delegates  did  not  vote.  The 
President  then  declared  that  the  Honorable 
Michael  Mulhooly  had  received  fifty-one  votes, 
and  as  this  was  a majority  of  all  the  delegates 
present,  and  a majority  of  forty-seven  of  all 
the  votes  cast,  he  was  duly  nominated  as  the 
candidate  of  the  party  for  Congress  from  that 
District. 

A committee  was  thereupon  appointed  to 
wait  upon  the  candidate  and  announce  to  him 
the  action  of  the  Convention.  They  found 
him  in  Tim  O’Leary’s  saloon  across  the 
street,  and  when,  five  minutes  later,  they  en- 
tered the  Hall,  Terrence  McGlue  leading  him 
by  one  arm,  and  Patrick  Donohue  by  the 
other,  the  enthusiasm  of  the  Convention 


130 


THE  CONVENTION. 


knew  no  bounds.  Delegates  stood  upon 
chairs  and  benches,  waving  their  hats  and 
cheering  for  “Mike  Mulhooly”  for  fully 
fifteen  minutes,  while  the  Armor  delegates 
sat  in  sullen  silence,  and  the  successful  can- 
didate stood  bowing  and  smiling  at  the 
front  of  the  platform  and  endeavoring  to 
obtain  a hearing.  Finally,  when  the  excite- 
ment had  in  a measure  subsided,  he  spoke  as 
follows  : 

“ I’m  proud  of  this  unexpected  honor,  and 
I thank  yez  all  for  it.  As  it  was  unsolicited 
on  my  part,  I feel  the  honor  you’ve  done  me 
in  nominating  me  for  Congress.  Ony  man 
might  be  proud  of  it.  And  I’m  not  ashamed 
to  say  I am  proud  of  it.  [Cheers.]  I’m  not  a 
public  speaker,  but  I’m  one  of  the  bye’s,  and, 
what’s  more,  I’m  for  the  bye’s  all  the  time. 
[Cheer  after  cheer  greeted  this  utterance.] 
And  I mane,  if  ilicted,  to  take  care  of  the 
bye’s  all  the  time.  [This  brave  and  manly 
declaration  of  principles  provoked  still  greater 
enthusiasm.]  I point  to  my  past  record  for 
the  truth  of  what  I say.  And  so,  thank- 
ing you  once  more,  I’ll  be  glad  to  see 


THE  CONVENTION. 


131 


yez  all  across  the  way,  at  Tim  O’Leary’s 
saloon.” 

Having  reached  his  climax,  like  a true 
orator,  he  bowed  and  retired.  When  he 
reached  the  floor  he  was  surrounded  by  his 
devoted  followers,  who  were  anxious  to  shake 
hands  with  their  next  Congressman,  who  was 
not  ashamed  to  say  he  was  one  of  the 
“bye’s”  and  “for  the  bye’s  all  the.  time.” 
They  followed  him  across  the  way  to  Tim 
O’Leary’s,  where  case  after  case  of  wine  was 
opened,  and  the  rejoicings  over  their  great 
victory  lasted  all  through  the  day  and  late 
into  the  night. 

Thus  Michael  Mulhooly  was  nominated  in 
strict  accordance  with  the  Rules  of  his  party. 
According  to  all  its  traditions,  he  had  won 
his  nomination  fairly,  was  entitled  to  the  sup- 
port of  every  true  party-man,  and  to  have 
voted  against  him  would  have  been  the  un- 
pardonable political  sin. 

Nevertheless,  the  same  afternoon  the  sixty- 

one  Armor  delegates  who  claimed  to  have 

been  elected,  met,  organized  and  adopted  a 

resolution,  denouncing  the  proceedings  of  the 
9 


132 


THE  CONVENTION. 


regular  Convention  held  in  the  morning,  and 
declaring  that  Henry  Armor,  Esq.,  was  the 
regular  nominee  of  the  party  in  the  District 
for  Congress. 


XVII. 


The  Voice  of  the  Press. 

THOSE  newspapers  which  the  Reformers 
claimed  belonged  to,  or  were  controlled 
by,  the  Ring,  indorsed  the  nomination 
of  Michael  Mulhooly  in  the  most  earnest 
manner.  They  spoke  of  him  as  the  regular 
nominee  of  the  party,  and  referred  to  the 
Armor  delegates  as  “kickers”  and  “bolters,” 
and  dismissed  their  Convention  and  their 
nomination  as  unworthy  of  consideration. 

The  Argus-Eyed  said: 

“Michael  Mulhooly,  the  regular  nominee  of 
the  party,  is  a man  of  the  people,  who,  by  indus- 
try and  perseverance,  has  risen  from  an  humble 
station  to  a position  which  any  man  in  this  great 
city  might  feel  proud  to  hold.  His  career  in  the 
Municipal  Legislature  gives  assurance  that  he  will 
not  misrepresent  his  District  in  the  National  Leg- 

(133) 


134 


THE  VOICE  OF  THE  PRESS. 


islature,  and  we  predict  his  election  by  a mag- 
nificent majority.” 

The  Dawn  of  Day  said  : 

“It  is  seldom  that  a party  Convention  so  well 
expresses  the  party’s  will.  The  people  of  this 
Congressional  District  desired  the  nomination  of 
Mr.  Michael  Mulhooly  because  they  had  tried 
him  and  found  him  in  every  way  worthy  of  their 
confidence.  They  felt  that  his  abilities  and  pub- 
lic services  merited  this  recognition,  and  that  his 
experience  in  public  affairs  peculiarly  qualified 
him  for  the  higher  and  broader  field  of  national 
politics.  We  say,  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention, 
well  done !” 

The  Boss’s  Own  said : 

“No  man  in  this  District  is  better  qualified  for 
a seat  in  Congress  than  Mr.  Michael  Mulhooly. 
He  was  our  choice  first,  last  and  all  the  time,  and 
the  action  of  the  Convention  is,  therefore,  grati- 
fying to  us.  ’ ’ 

The  Voice  of  the  People  said : 

“That  Mr.  Michael  Mulhooly  is  worthy  of  this 
new  honor  no  one  who  knows  him  will  doubt  or 


THE  VOICE  OF  THE  PRESS. 


135 


question.  That  he  will  be  elected  by  a majority 
which  will  be  a credit  to  himself  and  to  his  Dis- 
trict, we  feel  sure.  The  people  of  this  country 
are  at  last  commencing  to  understand  the  differ- 
ence between  practical  statesmanship  that  brings 
forth  fruit  and  the  barren  political  Miss-Nancyism, 
of  which  Mr.  Henry  Armor,  who  received  the 
empty  honor  of  a so-called  nomination  by  a few 
‘ kickers,’  is  a fitting  representative.” 

The  Public  Watch-Dog-,  after  paying  a 
high  tribute  to  the  distinguished  talents  of 
the  regular  nominees,  said : 

“ The  action  of  the  score  or  two  of  kickers  who, 
after  participating  in  the  proceedings  of  the  Con- 
vention and  finding  themselves  hopelessly  in  the 
minority,  proceeded  to  hold  a Convention  and 
nominate  a candidate  of  their  own,  would  be  un- 
worthy of  notice  were  it  not  that  such  action  is 
always  a dangerous  precedent,  which  should  not 
go  unrebuked.  No  man  has  a right  to  ask  to  be 
sent  as  a delegate  to  a Convention  who  is  not 
willing  to  be  governed  by  the  party  rules,  and  to 
abide  by  the  decision  of  the  majority.  No  man 
is  fit  to  be  candidate  who  will  encourage  such  dis- 
honorable conduct  on  the  part  of  his  delegates. 
Fidelity  to  the  party  is  a duty  which  every  good 


136 


THE  VOICE  OF  THE  PRESS. 


citizen  owes  to  his  party  for  the  sake  of  its  princi- 
ples, and  in  order  to  assure  its  success  ; and  that 
duty  is  not  discharged  by  fidelity  only  when  the 
action  of  the  party  is  in  accordance  with  our  in- 
dividual wishes  or  preferences.  If  the  minority 
is  to  be  encouraged  to  bolt  as  soon  as  it  discovers 
that  it  is  the  minority  party,  organization  is  at 
an  end,  and  party  success  a matter  of  chance. 
We  trust  that  a rule  will  be  adopted  compelling 
every  delegate,  before  he  receives  his  credentials, 
to  remain  in  the  Convention  and  abide  by  the 
decision  of  the  majority,  whatever  that  decision 
may  be.  ’ ’ 

Such  was  public  sentiment  as  reflected  in 
all  the  journals  of  the  city,  except  one. 

The  Truth-teller,  a journal  which 
catered  to  the  tastes  of  those  people  who 
sympathized  with  the  Reform  movement,  after 
complimenting  the  seceding  delegates  on  the 
manliness  and  independence  of  character 
which  they  had  displayed,  and  indorsing 
their  nominee  as  one  pre-eminently  worthy  of 
public  trust,  and  pre-eminently  qualified  to 
represent  his  District,  said : 

. . . “ But  who,  on  the  other  hand,  is  the  Ring 


THE  VOICE  OF  THE  PRESS. 


137 


candidate  for  a seat  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  and  what  his  antecedents? 
No  honest  man  can  answer  that  question  truth- 
fully without  a blush  of  shame.  But  it  is  a ques- 
tion which  must  be  asked  and  must  be  answered 
without  mincing  words. 

‘ ‘ A bog-trotter  by  birth  ; a waif  washed  up  on 
our  shores  ; a scullion-boy  in  a gin-mill-frequented 
by  thieves  and  shoulder- hitters  ; afterwards  a bar- 
tender in  and  subsequently  the  proprietor  of  this 
low  groggery  ; a repeater  before  he  was  of  age  ; a 
rounder,  bruiser  and  shoulder-hitter  ; then  made 
an  American  citizen  by  fraud  after  a residence  of 
but  two  years  ; a leader  of  a gang  of  repeaters 
before  the  ink  on  his  fraudulent  naturalization 

papers  was  dry  ; then  a ’s ; then  a 

corrupt  and  perjured  election  officer ; then  for 
years  a corrupt  and  perjured  member  of  the  Muni- 
cipal Legislature,  always  to  be  hired  or  bought 
by  the  highest  bidder,  and  always  an  uneducated, 
vulgar,  flashily-dressed,  obscene  creature  of  the 
Ring  which  made  him  what  he  is,  and  of  which 
he  is  a worthy  representative  ; such,  in  brief,  is 
the  man  who  has  been  forced  upon  the  party,  by 
the  most  shameless  frauds,  as  its  candidate  for  the 
American  Congress.  This  is  filthy  language,  but 
it  is  the  only  way  in  which  to  describe  the  filthy 
subject  to  which  it  refers,  and  every  man  who 


138 


THE  VOICE  OF  THE  PRESS. 


reads  it  must  admit  that  it  is  only  the  simple 
truth. 

“Is  it  possible  that  the  American  people  are 
compelled  to  scour  the  gutter,  the  gin-mill  and 
the  brothel  for  a candidate  for  Congress  ? Is  it 
possible  that  the  Ring  which  has  already  plun- 
dered the  city  for  so  many  years,  and  which  has 
so  long  abused  our  patience  with  its  arbitrary 
nominations  of  the  most  unworthy  people,  for  the 
most  honorable  and  responsible  offices,  will  be 
permitted  to  crown  its  infamies  by  sending  to 
Congress  this  creature,  who  represents  nothing 
decent,  and  nothing  fit  to  be  named  to  decent 
ears  ? 

‘ ‘ There  is  one  point  of  view,  however,  in  which 
this  nomination,  monstrous  as  it  is,  may  prove  to 
be  a public  blessing.  It  will  provoke  the  people 
to  throw  off  the  yoke  of  this  Ring  of  Confederated 
Thieves  under  which  they  have  patiently  stag- 
gered and  groaned  for  years.  It  will  show  them 
that,  monstrous  as  Ring-rule  is,  as  a scheme  of 
plunder,  it  is  more  monstrous  as  a despotism 
which  makes  of  free  people  its  slaves,  and  laughs 
at  the  shame  and  stripes  it  puts  upon  them.  It 
will  show  them  that  the  notorious  Blossom  Brick 
told  the  simple  truth  when  he  said  ‘ party  rules 
are  the  reins  and  party  spirit  the  bit  by  which 
We  drive  the  people.’  It  will  force  the  American 


THE  VOICE  OF  THE  PE  ESS. 


139 


people  to  rise  in  their  majesty  and  say  to  each 
one  of  these  Bosses — the  worst  of  whom  are 
always  uneducated,  unscrupulous  and  character- 
less foreigners — we  invited  you  here  to  find  a 
refuge,  not  to  build  an  empire  ; we  welcomed  you 
as  strangers,  not  as  rulers  ; we  adopted  you  as 
citizens  and  in  return  you  have  made  us  slaves, 
and  have  fattened  upon  us  for  years,  and  have 
kicked  us  when  we  dared  to  ask  for  but  an  equal 
share  with  yourselves  in  the  control  of  this,  our 
own  government ; but  the  end  has  come.  Go  ! 
Choose  between  the  obscurity  from  which  you 
came  and  the  prisons  which  your  crimes  have 
prepared  for  you.  Choose,  but  choose  quickly  ! ” 

This  article  produced  a profound  impres- 
sion upon  the  Leaders,  the  Ring  and  the  Boss, 
if  it  did  not  greatly  disturb  the  people.  It 
meant  business  and  threatened  danger. 


XVIII. 


Trouble. 


ST  noon  that  day  a conference  of  the 
Leaders  and  the  Boss  was  held  at  His 
private  office.  They  looked  at  each 
other  significantly,  and  each  waited  for  the 
other  to  speak.  Finally,  some  one  hurled  a 
verbal  thunderbolt  at  the  editor  of  the  libelous 
sheet.  Then  another  and  another  followed 
in  quick  succession.  Their  wrath  was  like 
that  mighty  wrath  that  raged  upon  Olympus 
when  the  Giants  dared  to  assail  it  and  disturb 
its  serenity  with  their  clamor. 

Then  Blossom  Brick  uttered  those  mem- 
orable words : — 

“If  the  people  ever  tumble  to  our 

GAME — HELL  WILL  BE  TO  PAY!  ” 

His  practical  mind  did  not  waste  itself  in 
impotent  wrath.  He  looked  forward  to  the 

(140) 


trouble. 


141 


possible  results  which  this  publication  might 
bring  about.  He  saw  in  it  more  than  an  in- 
sult ; it  was  a menace.  It  meant  rebellion. 
The  people,  the  “blind  asses”  as  he  was 
wont  to  call  them,  are  never  dangerous  so 
long  as  they  are  deceived,  but  he  knew  how 
great  the  danger  is  from  the  moment  when 
they  begin  “to  kick.”  His  suggestion  com- 
manded instant  attention.  The  sense  of  in- 
sult was  forgotten  in  the  sense  of  danger 
which  settled  down  upon  them  like  an  invis- 
ible cloud.  They  began  to  realize  that  their 
power  was  in  danger,  that  their  rule  was 
threatened,  that  their  gigantic  schemes  for  the 
public  good  might  come  to  naught  if  such  pub- 
lic utterances  were  allowed  to  be  repeated  with 
impunity.  They  said,  “ If  this  licentiousness 
of  the  press  is  not  speedily  rebuked  and 
curbed,  which  one  of  us  will  be  safe?” 

Then  they  sent  for  their  candidate  Michael 
Mulhooly,  whose  ambition  had  brought  all  this 
trouble  upon  them.  He  came,  as  slick,  oily, 
rotund  and  smiling  as  ever.  He  had  read  the 
Argus-Eyed,  the  Dawn  of  Day,  the  Boss’s 
Own,  the  Voice  of  the  People  and  the 


142 


TROUBLE. 


Public  Watch-Dog,  but  he  had  not  read  the 
Truth-teller.  It  was  shown  to  him.  He 
took  it  up  with  a smile,  which  gradually  faded 
from  his  face.  He  laid  the  paper  down  and  was 
evidently  not  pleased  with  what  he  had  read. 
He  looked  first  at  one,  then  at  another,  and 
finally  at  his  watch,  and  said,  “ If  I can  find 
the — — — 


I’ll  put  a head  on  him!  ” He  made  the  too 
common  mistake  of  supposing  that  when  one 
has  been  charged  with  crime  by  a newspaper, 
the  best  way  to  disprove  the  charge  is  to  “ put 
a head  on”  the  editor. 

Then  they  sent  for  their  favorite  lawyer, 
Theoptolimus  Sly,  Ksq.,  a small  man  with  a 
big  voice,  who  was  certain  to  make  at  least 
as  much  noise  in  the  world  as  a dinner-gong. 
He  came  promptly,  in  obedience  to  orders,  as 
he  always  did,  and  comforted  them  with  the 
assurance  that  the  article  was  undoubtedly  a 
libel,  and  that  the  editor  could  be  arrested 
for  it. 

Then  the  Boss  Himself  sent  a messenger 
for  Judge  Coke,  whom  he  had  “made,”  and 


trouble:. 


143 


who  wanted  to  be  re-“made”  shortly.  He, 
too,  came  in  obedience  to  orders,  as  he,  too, 
always  did.  He  was  closeted  with  the  Boss 
for  an  hour,  and,  after  he  had  gone,  the  Boss 
said,  “ I’ve  fixed  it.”  This  was  another  decree 
of  Fate. 

That  afternoon  Mr.  Carson  Cleaver,  the 
editor-in-chief  of  the  Truth-teller , was  arrested 
on  the  charge  of  libel,  and  held  to  bail  in  the 
sum  of  $2,000.  A bill  of  indictment  was  im- 
mediately sent  before  the  Grand  Jury  and 
returned  “a  true  bill,”  and  Theoptolimus  Sly, 
Esq.,  announced  that  the  defendant  would  be 
tried  the  next  day  and  “ railroaded,”  a tech- 
nical term  of  the  Sessions,  which  signifies  a 
modern  mode  of  administering  justice  so  ex- 
peditiously that  one  accused  of  crime  is 
arrested,  tried,  convicted,  sentenced  and  put 
at  a felon’s  work-bench  before  he  has  time  to 
sneeze  or  to  say,  “ God  bless  me,  where 
ami?” 

Judge  Coke,  hovjpver,  was  not  on  the  bench 
the  next  morning — his  term  was  not  to  com- 
mence until  the  following  Monday — and  the 
defendant,  Mr.  Carson  Cleaver,  was  notified 


144 


TROUBLE. 


that  his  case  would  not  be  called  for  trial  that 
day,  but  would  be  tried,  God  willing,  on  the 
following  Monday.  Thus  the  impending 
sword  of  Justice  was  temporarily  stayed. 


XIX. 


Justice. 

ON  Monday  Mr.  Carson  Cleaver  appeared 
in  court  with  his  counsel.  Mr.  Michael 
Mulhooly  also  appeared  with  his  coun- 
sel. In  addition  to  Mr.  Theoptolimus  Sly, 
there  had  been  retained  to  assist  the  District 
Attorney — another  Boss-made  administrator 
of  Justice,  whose  life  was  rendered  miserable 
by  his  fear  of  newspaper  criticism  on  the  one 
hand,  and  his  dread  of  Boss  disfavor  on  the 
other  hand — two  distinguished  criminal  law- 
yers— Mr.  Gandy  Grip  and  Mr.  Bowles 
Bowser. 

Gandy  Grip  was  a leader  in  his  profession. 
He  had  come  to  the  bar  with  meagre  educa- 
tional and  social  advantages,  but  possessing 
what  proved  to  be  of  much  greater  value  to 

him — a profound  knowledge  of  the  criminal 

(145) 


146 


JUSTICE. 


classes  and  their  habits,  derived  from  his 
early  associations,  and  an  exceptional  capacity 
for  attracting  clients,  which  insured  his  suc- 
cess. This  rare  business  tact  was  at  once 
displayed  by  his  giving  a supper  to  all  the 
court  officers  and  deputy-sheriffs  of  his  ac- 
quaintance, which  resulted  in  establishing  so 
good  an  understanding  between  them  that 
they  recommended  him  to  all  criminals  who 
came  under  their  charge,  and  he  divided  with 
them  all  the  fees  which  he  was  thus  enabled 
to  earn.  The  worldly  wisdom  of  this  arrange- 
ment was  speedily  demonstrated  by  the  fact 
that  when  older  lawyers  than  himself  were 
still  wrestling  hopelessly  with  the  problem 
of  how  to  pay  office  rent  out  of  office  receipts, 
he  was  enjoying  a lucrative  practice,  and 
carrying  on  his  person  and  in  his  pockets  dia- 
monds enough  to  have  stocked  a jewelry  store, 
received  from  clients  with  more  diamonds  than 
cash.  In  a short  time  his  reputation  became 
so  firmly  established  that  no  thief  or  burglar 
in  the  city  would  go  to  work  with  any  degree 
of  confidence  without  first  ascertaining  that 
Gandy  Grip  was  in  town,  and  that  his  ser- 


JUSTICE. 


147 


vices  could  be  secured  at  a moment’s  notice. 
He  could  demolish  a witness  by  a single 
question,  and  his  powers  of  vituperation  were 
so  transcendent  that  the  critical  audiences 
who  frequented  the  Sessions  placed  him  in 
the  front  rank  of  living  orators.  He  confined 
himself  exclusively  to  criminal  or  quasi-crim- 
inal practice,  and  would  not  enter  a common 
pleas  or  an  equity  court  without  having  first 
procured  an  introduction  to  the  presiding 
judge.  He  knew  better  than  any  detective 
on  the  force  how  to  recover  stolen  bonds,  and 
in  doubtful  divorce  cases  he  was  regarded  as 
the  highest  living  authority.  But  he  was 
pre-eminently  great  in  securing  verdicts. 
When  he  was  engaged  in  the  trial  of  a case 
there  was  not  a sporting  man  in  town  who 
would  not  give  long  odds  that  if  he  did  not 
get  a verdict,  he  would  at  least  secure  a dis- 
agreement of  the  j ury . 

Bowles  Bowser,  his  colleague,  was  also  a 
criminal  lawyer  of  note.  Having  no  taste 
for  office  practice,  he  found  that  he  could 
more  advantageously  employ  his  office  hours 

in  the  neighboring  bar-rooms,  studying  human 
10 


148 


JUSTICE. 


nature,  than  in  poring  over  abstruse  and  con- 
tradictory law  books.  Whilst  he  was,  there- 
fore, somewhat  weak  in  legal  knowledge,  he 
was  surprisingly  great  in  disorderly  house 
cases.  Had  there  been  a defect  in  the  plead- 
ings large  enough  to  have  allowed  a circus 
band  wagon  to  be  driven  through  it  with 
ease,  he  would  probably  not  have  found  it  in 
a lifetime  with  the  aid  of  a microscope ; but 
his  skill  in  “fixing”  juries  was  so  perfect  that 
older  lawyers  frequently  retained  him  as  a 
silent  colleague  on  account  of  this  exceptional 
talent. 

It  was  evident,  therefore,  that  the  prose- 
cutor meant  business. 

As  soon  as  Judge  Coke  had  settled  him- 
self comfortably  in  his  seat,  and  the  clerk  had 
satisfied  himself  as  to  the  condition  of  his 
voice  by  calling  over  the  list  of  jurors,  the 
counsel  for  the  prosecutor  advanced  to  the 
bar  of  the  court — Mr.  Sly  in  advance,  and  as 
eager  as  a dinner-gong  to  make  himself 
heard ; Mr.  Bowser  following,  and  nodding 
encouragingly  to  a juror  of  his  acquaintance; 
and  Mr.  Grip  bringing  up  the  rear  and  un- 


JUSTICE. 


149 


limbering  his  heaviest  guns  for  the  engage- 
ment; and  one  after  another  reminded  the 
court — although  it  was  the  first  day  of  Judge 
Coke’s  term — that  the  case  of  The  People 
against  Carson  Cleaver  had  been  fixed  for 
trial,  and  that  they  desired  that  the  defendant 
might  be  at  once  arraigned  and  required  to 
plead,  so  that  the  case  could  proceed  to  trial 
without  delay. 

The  court  having  been  satisfied  by  the 
assurances  of  three  such  eminent  counsel,  and 
by  an  encouraging  but  nervous  nod  from  the 
District  Attorney,  that  Mr.  Carson  Cleaver 
ought  to  be  called  upon  to  answer  as  to  the 
wrong  he  stood  charged  with  having  done  the 
people,  instructed  the  clerk  to  interrogate  him 
upon  this  subject.  This  duty  the  clerk  pro- 
ceeded to  discharge  with  his  most  tremendous 
frown  and  in  the  very  lowest  notes  of  his 
register,  believing  that  no  criminal,  however 
hardened,  could  endure  this  terrible  ordeal 
without  confessing  his  guilt;  and  he  looked 
both  shocked  and  disappointed  when  Mr.  Car- 
son  Cleaver,  in  a tone  of  cool  indifference,  re- 


150 


JUSTICE. 


plied,  “ Not  guilty,”  without  even  looking  at 
him. 

Before  the  clerk  had  entirely  recovered  his 
breath  and  his  countenance,  the  counsel  for 
the  defendant  rose  up  and  said  that  his  client 
was  unprepared  for  trial,  although  anxious 
for  it ; that  he  proposed  to  sustain  his  plea  of 
“Not  guilty”  by  proving  that  the  prosecutor 
himself  was  guilty  of  all  the  crimes  with 
which  he  had  been  charged  in  the  alleged 
libelous  publication,  and  that  as  he  would  be 
compelled  to  summon  a very  large  number  of 
witnesses  in  order  to  establish  every  charge 
he  had  made,  he  would  require  a week  for  this 
preparation,  and  would  willingly  appear  on 
the  next  Monday  and  make  good  his  charges, 
or  take  the  consequences. 

This  application,  as  well  as  the  implied  as- 
sault upon  the  integrity  of  their  client,  so 
incensed  the  prosecutor’s  counsel  that  they 
endeavored  to  address  the  court  in  chorus, 
and  to  demonstrate  that  the  application  was 
nothing  less  than  the  most  monstrous  attempt 
to  trifle  with  Justice  that  had  ever  been  wit- 
nessed by  each  of  them  individually,  and  by 


JUSTICE. 


151 


all  of  them  collectively,  in  a court  of  Justice. 
Finally,  when  these  gentlemen  had  ridden 
down  the  defendant  and  the  defendant’s 
counsel,  and  trampled  over  each  other  in  their 
precipitate  charge  upon  the  court,  to  prevent 
it  from  permitting  Justice  to  be  trifled  with  in 
its  presence,  Judge  Coke  looked  encouragingly 
at  the  District  Attorney,  who,  finding  that 
some  effort  was  also  expected  of  him  to  defeat 
this  contemplated  attempt  to  trifle  with  Jus- 
tice, timidly  suggested  that  as  the  defendant 
had  been  notified  on  the  preceding  Wednes- 
day that  his  case  would  be  tried  on  this  day, 
and  had,  therefore,  had  five  days  in  which  to 
prepare,  and  had  made  no  attempt  whatever 
to  prepare,  it  did,  indeed,  look  like  an  attempt 
to  trifle  with  Justice. 

Judge  Coke,  who  by  this  time  seemed  to 
have  some  suspicion  that  there  was  really  an 
intention  on  the  part  of  some  one  to  trifle 
with  Justice,  and  in  his  own  presence,  too, 
remarked,  angrily,  that  as  no  “ legal  ” ground 
had  been  laid  for  a continuance,  he  thought 
the  counsel  for  the  prosecution  were  right, 
and  that  the  application  looked  very  much 


152 


JUSTICE. 


like  an  attempt  to  trifle  with  Justice.  Warm- 
ing up  with  his  subject,  he  continued,  that 
“when  an  editor  publishes  so  gross  a libel  on 
a citizen,  and  especially  on  one  so  favorably 
known  to  the  community  and  to  the  court,  he 
ought  to  be  prepared  to  prove  the  truth  of  his 
foul  charges  on  the  spot,  or  to  take  the  con- 
sequences. He  was  certainly  entitled  to  no 
favors  from  the  court.”  Whereupon,  throw- 
ing back  his  head  angrily  against  the  back 
of  his  chair,  he  ordered  the  trial  to  proceed. 

The  counsel  for  the  defendant  made  another 
attempt  to  procure  delay,  but  was  promptly 
rebuked  by  the  court  for  his  repeated  attempts 
to  trifle  with  Justice,  and  was  ordered  to  “go 
on,”  whereupon  he  sat  down. 

The  clerk,  having  pulled  himself  together 
after  his  first  discomfiture,  looked  at  the  de- 
fendant with  an  expression  which  indicated 
that  he  meant  to  be  even  with  him  and  to 
break  his  stubborn  spirit  before  he  was 
through  with  him,  and  proceeded  to  call  a 
jury.  As  each  juror  approached  the  box  the 
counsel  for  the  prosecution  put  their  heads 
together  and  looked  first  at  a paper  which  they 


JUSTICE. 


153 


took  care  to  conceal,  and  then  at  the  juror, 
and  if  they  did  not  apparently  find  the  juror 
to  their  liking,  one  of  them  whispered  to  the 
District  Attorney,  who  nervously  requested 
*the  juror  to  “stand  aside” — this  being  a 
privilege  which  the  law  still  gives  that  officer 
in  cases  in  which  he  is  determined  to  convict, 
and,  therefore,  prefers  what  Blossom  Brick 
called  a “ solid  jury.” 

In  this  manner  the  calling  of  the  jury  pro- 
ceeded until  the  following  twelve  men  were 
chosen,  viz. : 

1.  Patrick  McGlaughlin. 

2.  James  McShane. 

3.  John  McTighe. 

4.  James  McRody. 

5.  Timothy  McMunn. 

6.  John  McGuiggan. 

7.  Dennis  McShiel. 

8.  Michael  McFinn. 

9.  John  McGittigen. 

10.  Larry  McQuade. 

11.  James  McAtee. 

12.  James  McNamara. 

The  challenges  on  both  sides  having  been 


154 


JUSTICE. 


exhausted,  nothing  remained  to  do  but  to 
swear  the  jury,  whereupon  the  clerk,  casting 
another  reproachful  glance  at  the  defendant 
as  if  he  meant  to  assure  him  that  he  would 
yet  regret  his  hardness  of  heart,  in  the  most 
solemn  and  impressive  manner  administered 
the  oath  to  “well  and  truly  try  the  issue 
joined  between  the  People  and  Carson 
Cleaver,  the  defendant,  and  a true  verdict  to 
give,  according  to  the  evidence,  so  help  you 
God ! ” 

Then  Bowles  Bowser  winked  significantly 
to  Gandy  Grip,  and  Blossom  Brick  whis- 
pered to  the  Boss,  “ Solid  all  the  time ! ” 
Theoptolimus  Sly  subsequently  told  the  Dis- 
trict Attorney  that  he  need  not  be  afraid  that 
the  defendant  had  “ got  any  work  in  on  them,” 
as  five  of  the  jury  were  in  public  employment, 
and  the  other  seven  were,  as  he  was  assured 
by  Mr.  Grip  and  Mr.  Bowser,  “ all  right.” 

The  District  Attorney  then  arose,  and  in  a 
somewhat  embarrassed  and  nervous  manner 
stated  the  nature  of  the  crime  which  the  de- 
fendant was  charged  with  having  committed 
against  the  people,  and  sat  down,  evidently 


JUSTICE. 


155 


greatly  relieved.  To  prove  tlie  publication, 
two  witnesses  were  called,  who  testified  that 
they  knew  the  defendant  to  be  the  editor 
of  the  Truth-teller,  and  that  they  had 
bought  copies  of  the  issue  of  the  newspaper 
which  contained  the  libelous  article,  which 
they  had  also  read,  and  understood  to  refer 
to  the  prosecutor. 

Then  Mr.  Michael  Mulhooly  was  called, 
and,  leaving  his  seat,  he  stepped  into  the 
witness-box,  drew  off  his  yellow  kid  gloves, 
smiled  at  the  judge,  bowed  encouragingly  to 
the  jury,  and  solemnly  swore  to  tell  the  truth, 
the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth, 
so  help  him  God ! He  took  up  the  copy  of 
the  newspaper  by  one  corner,  as  though  he 
feared  it  would  soil  his  hands  if  he  took  a 
fair  hold  of  it,  and  declared  that  he  had  read 
the  libelous  article,  and,  so  far  as  it  related  to 
himself,  there  was  not  one  single  word  of 
truth  in  it  from  beginning  to  end,  but  that  it 
was  an  infamous  lie,  as  everybody  who  knew 
him  could  not  help  but  know. 

He  then  turned  with  a defiant  air  towards 
the  counsel  for  the  defendant,  who,  to  the 


156 


JUSTICE. 


astonishment  of  everybody,  declined  to  ask 
any  questions.  It  had  been  expected  that  he 
would  attempt  to  riddle  the  prosecutor  by  a 
rapid  fire  of  questions,  as  damaging  as  a dis- 
charge of  grape  and  canister,  in  reference  to 
where  he  came  from  and  how  he  knew  it ; 
how  old  he  was  and  who  told  him  so  ; what 
he  did  for  a living  and  how  he  managed  to 
do  it ; what  crimes  he  had  been  guilty  of  and 
how  he  had  got  out  of  prison,  and  similar 
questions,  such  as  prosecutors  are  accustomed 
to  look  for  from  those  gentlemen,  who  are 
specially  sworn  to  see  to  it  that  no  attempt 
to  trifle  with  Justice  shall  ever  succeed,  where 
they  can  prevent  such  a misfortune  from 
happening  to  her. 

When  the  prosecutor’s  counsel  announced 
that  they  had  closed  their  case,  the  counsel 
for  the  defendant  told  the  jury  that  he  had 
hundreds  of  witnesses  to  call,  but  that  they 
were  not  in  the  court-room,  because  the  pros- 
ecutor was  so  anxious  to  have  his  character 
vindicated  that  he  insisted  upon  a trial  when 
he  knew  they  were  all  absent.  He  added, 
that  he  would  ask  the  jury  to  say,  that  no 


JUSTICE. 


157 


editor  should  ever  be  called  upon  to  answer 
the  charge  of  libel,  for  a publication  concern- 
ing the  official  conduct  of  a public  officer,  or 
the  character  of  a candidate  for  a high  and 
honorable  office,  until  he  has  been  given  a de- 
cent opportunity  to  be  heard  by  his  witnesses ; 
— that  no  man  who  claims  to  be  libeled,  and 
is  unwilling  to  give  his  adversary  a week  in 
which  to  prove  the  truth  of  what  has  been 
published,  is  entitled  to  the  sort  of  vindication 
which  a verdict,  under  such  circumstances, 
would  give  him.  He  therefore  asked  the 
jury  to  show  their  condemnation  of  this  pre- 
mature and  indecent  prosecution  by  promptly 
acquitting  the  defendant.  And  then,  without 
another  word,  he  sat  down. 

This  extraordinary  language  evidently  pro- 
duced no  effect  upon  the  j urors ; but  the 
countenances  of  the  court,  of  the  counsel  for 
the  prosecution  and  of  the  prosecutor  himself, 
showed  that  they  now  realized  that  they  were 
indeed  witnesses  of  an  unmistakable  attempt 
to  trifle  with  Justice.  Judge  Coke  looked  as 
if  he  felt  called  upon  to  rebuke  it  imme- 
diately, and  in  the  most  decided  manner. 


158 


JUSTICE. 


Mr.  Gandy  Grip,  however,  came  to  the 
rescue  of  the  court  and  of  that  blind  goddess 
whom  he  so  profoundly  worshipped,  and  to 
whom  he  so  frequently  and  so  eloquently  ap- 
pealed, and  proceeded  to  resent  the  insult 
which  had  been  offered  to  her  in  his  presence 
in  a speech  which  was,  beyond  doubt,  the 
greatest  effort  of  his  life.  For  two  hours  he 
poured  forth  a torrent  of  vituperation  against 
the  counsel  for  the  defendant,  the  licentious- 
ness of  the  press,  and  the  unmanly  and  cow- 
ardly libeler  who  sat  unmoved  before  him, 
which  provoked  repeated  outbursts  of  ap- 
plause from  the  crowd  which  filled  every  part 
of  the  court-room.  Then,  with  the  consum- 
mate art  of  the  great  orator,  he  turned  to  the 
innocent  subject  of  this  heartless  libeler’s 
calumny,  and  portrayed  his  early  struggles 
with  adversity ; his  slow  but  gradual  steps 
towards  a higher  sphere  than  that  in  which 
he  was  born ; his  great  public  services ; his 
many  virtues  ; his  high  and  honorable  ambi- 
tion, and  his  gradual  ascent  up  the  ladder  of 
Fame,  “ Until,”  said  he,  “ like  Excelsior,  he 
lies  on  the  mountain  top,  ’midst  the  snow  and 


JUSTICE. 


159 


ice  of  public  scorn,  frozen  to  the  heart  by  this 
vile  defamer’s  calumnious  breath.”  This 
beautiful  and  pathetic  figure  of  speech  touched 
the  hearts  of  his  jury,  and  two  or  three  com- 
menced to  use  their  pocket-handkerchiefs  and 
the  backs  of  their  hands  freely ; while  Michael 
Mulhooly  was  not  ashamed  to  be  seen  wiping 
a tear  from  his  manly  eye.  Then,  having 
reached  his  hearers’  hearts,  in  tones  of  with- 
ering scorn  he  dwelt  upon  the  conduct  of  the 
defense  in  standing  over  the  prostrate  form 
of  their  victim  and  reiterating  the  false  and 
wicked  charges  which  they  could  not  call  a 
single  living  witness  to  substantiate. 

When  he  closed  no  one  present  supposed 
that  the  defendant’s  counsel  would  attempt  to 
reply. 

But  he  rose  up  and  spoke  substantially  as 
follows : 

“I  presume  I need  not  call  witnesses  into 
the  box  to  prove  what  every  man  on  the  jury 
knows.  I need  not  call  witnesses  to  tell  you 
that  this  prosecution  has  been  brought  by  a 
Ring  of  confederated  thieves,  who  have  ruled 


160 


JUSTICE. 


and  plundered  this  city  for  years,  for  the  pur- 
pose  ” 

Here  Judge  Coke  interrupted  him  and  said 
sharply,  “ Counsel  must  confine  their  remarks 
to  the  evidence  in  the  case,  and  not  refer  to 
public  rumor.” 

“What  stronger  evidence,”  continued  the 
lawyer,  “what  stronger  evidence  is  there  in 
this  very  case  that  these  rumors  are  true,  and 
that  what  I say  about  the  purpose  of  this 
prosecution  is  true,  than  that  furnished  by 
the  indecent  manner  in  which  it  has  been 
forced  to  trial,  and  by  the  presence  in  this 
court-room  of  the  very  Chiefs  of  that  Ring, 
who  are  the  real  prosecutors,  seeking  pro- 
tection for  themselves,  and  not  vindication  for 
this  prosecutor?” 

“I  will  not  permit  this  line  of  argument,” 
angrily  interrupted  the  Judge. 

“I  am  sorry  that  it  displeases  the  court,” 
replied  the  lawyer,  “but  I am  compelled  to 
discharge  my  duty  to  this  defendant,  irre- 
spective of  judicial  pleasure  or  displeasure.” 

“ Repeat  it  if  you  dare,”  said  the  Judge, 


JUSTICE. 


161 


“ and  I’ll  forthwith  commit  you  for  con- 
tempt.” 

The  lawyer  bowed  and  continued,  “ It  is 
not  my  duty  to  direct  the  court  what  it  shall, 
or  what  it  shall  not  do.  But  it  is  my  duty  to 
say  to  this  jury  all  that  in  my  conscience  I 
believe  ought  to  be  said  on  behalf  of  my 
client  about  this  case  and  its  surroundings  ; 
and  that  I shall  continue  to  say,  respectfully, 
but  fearlessly,  whatever  may  be  the  conse- 
quences. I will,  however,  remind  this  honor- 
able court  that  fair  play  is  a part  of  the  un- 
written law  of  this  land,  and  that  no  prosecutor 
can  hurry  a defendant  to  trial  without  his  wit- 
nesses, and  then  ask  that  his  motives  shall  not 
be  commented  upon  by  counsel,  or  considered 
by  the  jury  as  a part,  and  a most  material 
part,  of  the  case.  And  I will  also  remind 
this  honorable  court  that  the  prosecutor  and 
the  defendant  are  not  the  only  persons  inter- 
ested in  this  trial.  Back  of  the  prosecutor 
sit  his  friends,  whom  I arraign  as  the  real 
prosecutors  ; and  back  of  this  court  stands  this 
great  community,  who  will  not  permit  wrong 
to  be  done  in  the  name  of  Justice,  and  to 


162 


JUSTICE. 


whom,  not  only  this  jury,  but  also  your 
Honor,  must  answer  for  the  manner  in  which 
Justice  is  administered  this  day  in  this  her 
sacred  temple.” 

The  Judge  looked  at  him  sternly  for  a 
moment,  then  resumed  his  pen,  and  the  law- 
yer continued : 

“ I put  it  to  the  conscience  of  each  man  on 
this  jury  whether  I have  uttered  one  word 
but  the  simple  truth.  There  is  not  a man  in 
that  box  who  does  not  know  the  political  con- 
dition of  this  city  and  the  manner  in  which  it 
has  been  ruled  and  robbed  for  years  by  a 
band  of  political  bandits,  to  which  this  prose- 
cutor belongs,  and  which  has  the  effrontery 
to  come  here  and  endeavor  to  force  the  con- 
viction of  an  editor,  in  the  absence  of  his  wit- 
nesses, because  he  dared  to  attack  them. 

“I  do  not  intend  to'  discuss  either  this 
article,  or  the  testimony  of  the  prosecutor. 
Until  you  have  been  permitted  to  hear  the 
defendant’s  witnesses  you  cannot  determine 
whether  he  published  a libel,  or  the  truth. 
If  he  published  a tissue  of  lies  he  deserves 
the  severest  penalty  of  the  law.  If  he  pub- 


JUSTICE. 


163 


lished  the  truth  he  deserves  and  will  receive 
the  thanks  of  the  whole  community.  But 
you  dare  not  convict  him — you  have  no  right 
to  try  him — when  he  stands  here  and  says, 
‘ Give  me  but  one  week  and  I will  prove  that 
every  word  I published  about  this  man  was 
the  truth.’ 

“Would  an  innocent  and  wronged  prose- 
cutor, conscious  of  his  innocence,  and  of  his 
ability  to  establish  it,  in  the  face  of  such  a 
challenge,  insist  upon  a trial  ? Would  he  not 
rather  say,  ‘ I,  too,  am  on  trial.  Take  a 
week — take  a month,  if  you  need  it, — and 
then  I will  meet  you  and  prove  that  you  have 
wronged  me  ! ’ But  when  a prosecutor,  who 
is  a public  officer  and  a candidate  for  a still 
higher  office,  runs  into  a court  of  Justice,  hot, 
breathless,  and  trembling,  and  says,  ‘ For 
God’s  sake  convict  this  man  before  he  can 
get  the  witnesses  here  to  prove  that  I am  a 
thief ! ’ he  ought  to  be  lashed  out  of  the  court- 
room with  whips  made  of  the  scorn  and  in- 
dignation of  all  honest  jurors. 

“Yet  you  are  asked,  in  just  such  a case, 
to  render  a verdict  of  guilty  against  this  de- 


164 


JUSTICE. 


fendant.  I pity  the  man  who  lends  himself 
to-day  to  such  an  act  of  injustice,  and  who 
must  meet  to-morrow,  face  to  face,  an  out- 
raged community,  and  answer  for  the  manner 
in  which  he  has  kept  his  oath  and  discharged 
this  great  public  duty.” 

Then  Judge  Coke  charged  the  jury  sub- 
stantially as  follows  : 

He  said  that  the  case  was  a perfectly  sim- 
ple one,  and  the  duty  of  the  jury  so  plain, 
that  they  could  not  go  astray.  If  they  be- 
lieved the  testimony  for  the  prosecution— and 
he  did  not  see  how  they  could  disbelieve  it 
without  violating  their  oaths — the  defendant 
was  guilty  of  publishing  the  wickedest  libel 
he  had  ever  read.  No  attempt  was  made  to 
deny  the  publication,  but  the  defendant, 
through  his  counsel,  reiterated  the  vile 
charges  in  open  court.  Having  had  five  days 
in  which  to  prepare  for  his  trial,  he  came  into 
court  without  a single  witness,  and  asked  to 
be  acquitted,  not  because  his  guilt  had  not 
been  proved,  but  because  the  court  had  re- 
fused to  grant  any  longer  delay.  It  was 
seldom  that  a lawyer  so  far  forgot  his  duty  to 


JUSTICE. 


165 


himself  and  to  the  court,  as  to  make  such  a 
shameful  assault  upon  a prosecutor  as  that  to 
which  they  had  been  compelled  to  listen.  It 
was  more  than  an  outrage ; it  was  an  insult 
to  the  jury  and  to  the  court.  He  felt  called 
upon  to  say  thus  much  to  the  jury  on  the 
subject,  and  he  would  afterwards  consider 
what  further  notice  the  court  ought  to  take 
of  what  was  nothing  less  than  a gross  con- 
tempt. 

He  then  handed  the  bill  of  indictment  to 
the  jury,  instructing  them  to  do  their  duty 
like  men  and  not  to  be  intimidated  by  threats 
of  public  opinion. 

The  foreman  took  the  bill  from  the  clerk, 
looked  at  the  rest  of  the  jurymen,  who  nod- 
ded affirmatively,  and  then  reported  a verdict 
of  “Guilty,”  which  was  recorded. 

Judge  Coke  immediately  ordered  the  de- 
fendant to  stand  up  for  sentence,  whereupon 
his  counsel  again  rose  up  and  began, — “ I de- 
sire to  move ” 

“ Sit  down,  sir ! ” said  Judge  Coke.  “ You 
have  grossly  insulted  the  court  and  misbe- 
haved as  an  attorney.  I did  not  compel  you 


166 


JUSTICE. 


to  take  your  seat  at  the  time,  because  you 
were  addressing  the  jury  on  behalf  of  a de- 
fendant who  was  upon  trial.  But  I will  not 
permit  you  to  address  the  court  again  in  this 
case.  If  the  defendant  himself  has  anything 
further  to  add,  I will  hear  him.” 

While  the  defendant  and  his  counsel  were 
conferring,  the  Boss  sent  to  Mr.  Theopto- 
limus  Sly  a slip  of  paper,  on  which  he  had 
written : — 

“We’ll  spoil  all.  Tell  Judge  to  allow  motion 
for  new  trial  and  delay.  Will  explain.” 

Mr.  Sly  read  it  and  handed  it  to  Mr.  Grip, 
who  also  read  it,  and  passed  it  up  to  the 
Judge.  He,  too,  read  it  and  said,  “ If  the 
purpose  of  the  defendant’s  counsel  was  only 
to  make  the  ordinary  motion  for  a new  trial, 
I will  allow  it  to  be  made  in  writing,  and 
filed  with  the  clerk.  In  the  meantime  the 
defendant  will  renew  his  bail.  Crier,  adjourn 
the  court!”  Whereupon  the  crier  declared 
that  the  court  stood  adjourned,  and  the  Judge 
came  down  and  shook  hands  with  Michael 
Mulhooly,  Blossom  Brick  and  the  Boss. 


POIvlTICAIv  TWINS. 

“and  the  Judge  came  down  and  shook  hands  with  Michael 

Mulhooly.” — p.  166. 


Copyrighted,  1889,  by  Gebbie  & Co. 


JUSTICE. 


167 


Thus  Justice  was  done  and  Michael  Mul- 
hooly  was  vindicated.  The  verdict  of  a jury 
of  his  countrymen  had  declared  that  his 
character  was  as  white  and  spotless  as  the 
ceiling  of  the  temple  of  Justice  itself,  which 
had  just  been  newly  calcimined. 


XX. 


A Judge  Challenged. 

THE  next  morning  in  tlie  Truth-teller 
appeared  the  following  double-leaded 
leader: 

JUDGES,  HALT!!! 

‘ ‘Almost  any  evil  in  a Republic  can  be 
endured  with  some  degree  of  patience  ex- 
cept that  of  a corrupt  or  slavish  Judiciary. 
When  J udges,  forgetful  of  their  manhood 
and  their  oaths,  lend  themselves  to  op- 
pression and  become  the  pliant  tools  of 
tyrants,  they  may  be  very  sure  that  the 
people  will  not  be  slow  to  redress  such 
intolerable  wrongs,  and  that  they  will,  if 
forced  to  the  extremity,  enter  the  temple 
of  Justice  and  tear  down  the  dishonored 
and  foresworn  priests  who  have  desecrated 
the  sacred  altars,  and  will  trample  them 
under  foot  in  the  mire  of  the  streets. 
Salus  populi  suprema  est  lex , 

(168) 


A JUDGE  CHALLENGED. 


169 


“This  solemn  warning  is  especially 
addressed  to  Judge  Coke. 

“It  is  within  the  personal  knowledge 
of  the  editor  and  two  of  his  friends  that, 
immediately  before  the  warrant  for  his 
arrest  was  issued,  the  head  of  the  Ring 
sent  a message  for  Judge  Coke,  who  im- 
mediately went  to  the  Boss’s  private  of- 
fice, where  he  remained  closeted  with  him 
for  nearly  one  hour.  Did  he  go  there  in 
obedience  to  orders,  to  receive  orders  that 
the  editor  must  be  convicted  at  all 
hazards?  What  actually  passed  at  that 
interview  can  be  known  only  to  Judge 
Coke  himself,  and  to  one  other  person. 
But  immediately  after  the  termination  of 
that  interview  a warrant  for  libel  was 
issued  against  the  editor,  and  he  was 
bound  over,  a bill  at  once  sent  before  the 
Grand  Jury,  and  the  intimation  given  out 
of  the  intention  on  the  part  of  prosecutors 
to  ‘ railroad  ’ him.  For  some  reason, 
not  difficult  to  understand  when  it  is  . 
known  that  Judge  Coke  was  not  then 
upon  the  bench,  and  that  his  term  would 
not  begin  until  the  next  Monday,  the 
case  against  the  defendant  was  postponed 
until  the  very  day  upon  which  Judge 


170 


A JUDGK  challenged. 


Coke’s  term  began,  and  he  was  then  im- 
mediately forced  to  trial,  notwithstanding 
his  demand  for  one  week’s  time  in  which 
to  procure  his  witnesses,  and  his  solemn 
avowal  that  he  would  in  exactly  one 
week  from  that  day  appear  and  prove  the 
truth  of  every  word  he  had  published, 
and  show  that,  so  far  from  being  guilty 
of  publishing  a libel,  he  had  discharged 
a sacred  duty  to  the  public  by  exposing 
the  utter  unfitness  of  Michael  Mulhooly 
to  represent  the  District  from  which  he 
is  a candidate  in  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States.  We  do  not  now  allude 
to  Judge  Coke’s  rulings  upon  the  trial, 
because  a motion  for  a new  trial  is  pend- 
ing, and  this  is  not  the  proper  place  for 
its  discussion. 

uBut  if  Judge  Coke’s  prompt  obedi- 
ence to  the  message  from  the  Boss— to 
whom  he  owes  his  seat,  and  to  whom  he 
must  look  for  a renomination — in  con- 
nection with  what  followed  his  visit, 
forces  people  to  believe  that  Judge  Coke 
is  the  mere  creature  of  the  Ring,  and  ex- 
ecutes its  orders  under  the  pretense  of 
administering  Justice,  Judge  Coke  has  no 
one  but  himself  to  blame  ; and,  being 


A JUDGE  CHALLENGED. 


171 


thus  suspected,  he  would  show  greater 
wisdom  than  he  has  hitherto  displayed, 
if  he  would  at  once  abandon  the  judg- 
ment-seat before  the  people  drive  him 
from  it. 

“It  is,  unfortunately,  a matter  of  com- 
mon belief  that  Judge  Coke  is  not  the 
only  J udge  upon  the  Bench  to-day  whom 
the  Ring  feels  safe  in  approaching  in  se- 
cret, and  instructing  in  advance  about 
cases  to  be  tried  in  which  its  creatures 
are  parties.  A Judge  who  would  take  a 
bribe  is  not  more  despicable  than  one 
who  is  willing  to  be  thus  approached 
and  directed  how  to  administer,  not 
justice,  but  injustice. 

“To  all  such  Judges  we  now  call, 
Halt ! The  people  will  no  longer  toler- 
ate such  infamous  practices. 

“If  Judge  Coke  thinks  we  have  done 
him  any  injustice,  we  challenge  him  to 
call  us  forthwith  to  account  for  this 
pointed  and  solemn  warning,  deliberately 
given.” 

No  notice  was  ever  taken  of  this  challenge, 
because  its  author  had  been  convicted  accord- 
ing to  law  as  a common  libeler  of  mankind. 


XXL 


One  Way  to  Run  a Campaign . 

mR.  HENRY  ARMOR  entered  upon 
his  campaign  in  a manner  which 
indicated  clearly  that  he  did  not 
understand  his  business. 

He  did  not  visit  bar-rooms,  or  drink  with 
and  treat  the  party-workers,  or  hunt  up  and 
consult  with  the  election  officers,  or  endeavor 
to  conciliate  the  “ boys  ” by  promising  them 
appointments.  Nor  did  he  call  upon  the 
Heads  of  Departments  and  seek  to  induce 
them  to  issue  orders  to  their  subordinates 
relative  to  the  amount  and  kind  of  work 
which  they  were  required  to  do  in  their  re- 
spective Election  Districts.  He  probably 
would  have  said  that  a man  who  would  resort 
to  such  methods  to  secure  his  election  to  any 

office  was  unfit  for  the  office  and  unworthy 
(172) 


ONE  WAY  TO  RUN  A CAMPAIGN. 


173 


of  public  trust.  It  is  doubtful  whether  he 
could  have  told  the  name  of  a single  member 
of  the  City  Committee,  or  of  a President  of  a 
Ward  Committee  in  his  District. 

As  he  had  been  nominated  by  sixty-one 
out  of  the  ninety-seven  delegates,  who,  accord- 
ing to  his  belief,  should  have  composed  the 
regular  Convention,  and  had  also  been  reg- 
ularly nominated  by  the  Reform  Associa- 
tion ; and  as  he  had  subsequently  been  in- 
dorsed by  every  minister  of  the  gospel  and 
bank  president  in  his  District,  and  by 
“ Thousands  of  Our  Business-men,  Tax- 
payers and  Most  Respectable,  Intelligent, 
Wealthy,  Prominent  and  Influential  Citi- 
zens,” as  he  was  was  informed  by  the  large 
posters  which  met  his  eye  at  every  corner,  he 
considered  his  election  almost  a political 
certainty. 

His  friends,  believing  that  his  eloquence 
could  not  fail  to  convince  the  voters  of  his 
fitness  for  Congress,  organized  a series  of 
meetings  to  be  held  in  each  Ward,  and  made 
arrangements  for  a grand  ratification  meet- 
ing to  be  held  at  the  Academy  of  Music  on 


174  ONE  WAY  TO  RUN  A CAMPAIGN. 

the  Saturday  night  immediately  preceding 
the  election.  At  each  of  these  meetings  Mr. 
Armor  spoke  in  his  usual  scholarly,  elegant 
and  eloquent  manner.  His  friends  all  declared 
that  his  speeches  were  unquestionably  the 
ablest  that  had  ever  been  made  in  the  city. 
The  Truth-teller  devoted  a full  page  each 
morning  to  these  meetings,  and  published 
verbatim  reports  of  his  speeches.  The  other 
newspapers,  however,  regarding  such  matters 
as  uninteresting  to  their  readers,  disposed  of 
them  in  something  after  this  fashion : 

“ The  kickers  and  bolters  held  a meeting  last 

night  at  Hall,  which  was  addressed  by 

Henry  Armor  and  others.” 

Many  an  ambitious  young  member  of  the 
bar  who  had  devoted  weeks  to  the  preparation 
of  a speech  which  he  regarded  as  a master- 
piece of  oratory  was  surprised,  on  getting 
out  of  bed  before  daylight  in  anticipation  of 
reading  his  own  polished  sentences  in  print, 
to  find  that  he,  and  two  or  three  as  distin- 
guished orators  as  himself,  had  been  bunched 
like  asparagus-sprouts,  by  some  unapprecia- 


ONE  WAY  TO  RUN  A CAMPAIGN.  175 


tive  reporter,  in  that  stereotyped  phrase,  “ and 
others.” 

No  attempt  was  made  by  the  Committee 
which  was  charged  with  the  management  of 
Mr.  Armor’s  campaign  to  effect  any  organi- 
zation of  the  voters  in  his  interest, . beyond 
the  formation  of  a club  in  each  Ward,  called 
the  “ Young  Men’s  Reform  Association.” 
These  clubs  were  composed  of  young  lawyers, 
storekeepers  and  clerks  in  banks,  counting- 
houses  and  insurance  offices.  Each  member 
wore  a high  silk  hat,  dark  clothes,  white 
gloves  and  a badge  of  white  satin,  upon 
which  was  printed  in  gilt  letters  the  number 
of  the  Ward,  the  name  of  the  association  and 
a peculiar  device. 

When  these  five  clubs  all  turned  out,  pa- 
rading about  two  thousand  handsome  and 
handsomely  dressed  young  men,  they  at- 
tracted universal  admiration,  and  the  ministers 
of  the  gospel,  bank  presidents  and  “ Thou- 
sands of  Our  Business-men,  Tax-payers,  and 
Most  Respectable,  Intelligent,  Wealthy,  Prom- 
inent and  Influential  Citizens”  felt  that  the 
country  was  certainly  safe. 


176  ONE  WAY  TO  RUN  A CAMPAIGN. 

On  the  appointed  night  the  “ Grand  Ratifi- 
cation Meeting  in  Favor  of  Reform  and  of  the 
Election  of  Henry  Armor,  Esq.,”  was  duly 
held.  The  Academy  of  Music  was  crowded 
from  floor  to  ceiling  and  presented  a brilliant 
spectacle.  In  the  middle  of  the  stage,  and 
immediately  over  the  orator’s  table  hung 
suspended  an  enormous  copy  of  the  old 
Liberty  Bell,  around  the  rim  of  which  ap- 
peared the  familiar  inscription : “ Proclaim 
Liberty  Throughout  All  the  Land,  Unto 
All  the  Inhabitants  Thereof.”  Upon 
the  body  of  the  bell  blazed  out  in  dazzling 
letters  of  light,  formed  of  innumerable  gas- 
jets,  this  inscription : — 

NO  KING 
NO  CLOWN 
SHALL  RULE 
THIS  TOWN. 

The  front  of  the  stage  was  crowded  with 
ministers  of  the  gospel,  bank  presidents  and 


ONE  WAY  TO  RUN  A CAMPAIGN. 


177 


“Thousands  of  our  Business-men,  Tax- 
payers, and  Most  Respectable,  Intelligent, 
Wealthy,  Prominent  and  Influential  Citizens.” 

Honorable  Ingersole  Aspenwall  presided, 
assisted  by  a large  number  of  Vice-Presidents, 
whose  combined  wealth  was  said  to  exceed 
$100,000,000. 

When  Mr.  Armor  was  introduced  the  vast 
audience  rose  to  their  feet  and  gave  him  a 
right  royal  greeting.  So  great  was  the  en- 
thusiasm that  even  ladies  stood  upon  the 
seats  waving  their  handkerchiefs  and  fans, 
and  some  of  them,  carried  away  by  the  novel 
excitement  of  the  occasion,  grew  hysterical. 
Old  gray-haired  gentlemen  on  the  stage  so 
far  forgot  themselves  that  they  pounded  with 
their  canes  and  threw  up  their  hats  like 
school-boys.  Finally,  when  he  could  be 
heard,  Mr.  Armor  began  with  these  words : 

“I  do  not  mistake  the  meaning  of  this 
greeting.  It  is  not  merely  a compliment  to 
the  speaker,  or  an  indorsement  of  your  can- 
didate. It  has  a deeper  significance.  It  is 
the  death-knell  of  Boss-rule.  It  is  the  shout 
of  victory  which  a free  people  sends  up  over 


178  ONE  WAY  TO  RUN  A CAMPAIGN. 

its  new  declaration  of  independence.  It  means 
that  you  have  resolved  from  this  day  forward 
to  govern  this  city  yourselves,  without  the 
assistance  of  any  self-appointed  Boss,  whether 
native-born  or  foreign-born.” 

As  each  sentence  rang  out,  clear  and  dis- 
tinct as  the  note  of  a bugle,  it  was  answered 
by  cheer  after  cheer,  to  assure  the  orator  that 
he  had  read  the  hearts  of  his  hearers  aright 
and  had  uttered  their  sentiments. 

He  continued : — 

“I  do  not  war  against  individuals.  It  is 
not  the  Boss  who  happens  to  be  in  the  as- 
cendancy to-day  that  I antagonize.  It  is  the 
Boss  of  to-day — of  to-morrow — of  all  time 
who  is  my  enemy;  it  is  the  Boss  in  the  City, 
the  Boss  in  the  State,  the  Boss  in  the  Nation 
against  whom  I would  have  you  wage  unend- 
ing war.  It  is  the  Boss  system  which  I 
arraign  as  the  curse  of  the  country  and  the 
shame  of  our  age.  By  this  system  the  pub- 
lic servants  are  made  the  masters  of  the 
people.  By  this  system  the  ten  thousand 
employees  of  the  City  are  made  ten  thousand 
arms  with  which  the  Boss  of  the  City  mles 


ONE  WAY  TO  RUN  A CAMPAIGN. 


179 


the  whole  community.  By  this  system  the 
twenty  thousand  servants  of  the  State  are 
converted  into  twenty  thousand  hands  with 
which  the  Boss  of  the  State  holds  the  com- 
monwealth by  the  throat.  By  this  system 
the  hundred  thousand  employees  of  the  Na- 
tion become  a hundred  thousand  bonds  which 
the  National  Bosses  bind  upon  the  people  of 
the  Nation,  converting  them  into  slaves  bound 
to  obey  their  imperial  orders. 

“The  opportunity  which  it  gives  a corrupt 
Boss  to  plunder  the  people  is  one  of  the  least 
of  the  many  evils  which  flow  from  the  sys- 
tem. It  begets  corruption  in  every  branch 
of  the  public  service,  and  tempts  every  man 
in  office  to  become  a thief.  It  teaches  that 
official  dishonesty  is  no  crime — that  official 
perjury  is  no  sin — that  to  override  the  will  of 
the  people  and  to  trample  upon  the  sanctity 
of  the  ballot  is  the  highest  duty  of  American 
citizenship.  It  breeds  universal  corruption, 
and  fosters  in  the  rising  generation  an  utter 
disregard  of  law,  of  morality  and  of  common 
decency  in  everything  pertaining  to  politics. 

It  is  like  that  most  loathsome  of  diseases, 
12 


180 


ONE  WAY  TO  RUN  A CAMPAIGN. 


which  creeps  from  limb  to  limb,  and  from  in- 
dividual to  individual,  until  the  whole  com- 
munity is  a community  of  lepers.  Boss-rule 
is  political  leprosy.  There  can  be  no  political 
health  where  it  is  permitted  to  exist. 

“ It  cannot  be  cured ; it  must  be  extirpated. 
There  is  no  remedy  which  you  can  apply  and 
say,  ‘Lo,  the  sore  is  healed!’  You  need  not 
hope  to  purge  your  party  from  it  by  amend- 
ing your  party  rules.  You  can  do  that  only 
by  purging  it  of  these  political  lepers,  and 
that  can  be  done  only  by  starving  them  to 
death.  When  honest  men  learn  that-  they 
owe  a higher  duty  to  their  city,  their  State 
and  their  country  than  they  do  to  their  party, 
they  will  have  found  the  only  antidote  for 
this  poison.  When  they  apply  this  antidote 
freely  at  the  ballot-box  by  voting  down  the 
political  leper  and  his  candidate,  the  day  of 
deliverance  will  not  be  far  off.  When  the 
independent  voter  and  the  scratcher  shall 
have  grown  so  strong  that  they  can  and  will 
prevent  the  election  of  every  unworthy  candi- 
date who  has  managed  to  secure  a nomina- 
tion, Boss-rule  and  Ring-rule  can  be  crushed 


ONE  WAY  TO  RUN  A CAMPAIGN. 


181 


out.  They  exist  only  upon  the  spoils  of 
office,  and  grow  strong  only  when  their  party 
is  largely  in  the  majority.  Their  power  is 
based  solely  upon  the  devotion  of  honest 
voters  to  the  party.  They  preach  the  polit- 
ical religion  of  ‘fidelity  to  party,’  and,  like 
false  priests,  grow  fat  upon  the  fruits  of  their 
preaching.  The  dishonest  official  whose  pock- 
ets stand  out  with  his  stolen  wealth  consid- 
ers it  an  unpardonable  sin  for  an  honest  man 
to  scratch  his  ticket.  Fidelity  to  party, 
wherever  the  Boss  system  exists,  is  treason 
to  yourself,  your  country,  your  God.  There 
is  but  one  true  political  religion  for  honest 
men  to  practice,  and  that  is  to  vote  for  an 
honest  man  because  he  is  honest,  and  to  vote 
against  a dishonest  man,  no  matter  what 
party  claims  him  as  its  candidate — to  keep 
an  honest  man  in  office  as  long  as  you  can, 
no  matter  what  party  put  him  there,  for  fear 
a less  honest  man  may  take  his  place.  I be- 
lieve that  the  honest  citizens  in  every  com- 
munity outnumber  ten  to  one  the  class  from 
which  Bosses  are  bred,  and  when  the  honest 


182  ONE  WAY  TO  RUN  A CAMPAIGN. 

citizens  of  this  country  learn  this  religion 
and  practice  it,  Boss-rule  will  be  no  more.” 

For  nearly  two  hours  the  orator  continued 
to  delight  his  audience  with  such  “ rhetorical 
fireworks  and  political  generalities,”  and,  as 
they  had  come  to  hear  just  such  sentiments, 
they  were  wrought  up  to  the  highest  pitch  of 
enthusiasm.  When  he  had  finished,  every 
man  and  woman  present  insisted  upon  shaking 
him  by  the  hand  and  assuring  him  of  his  tri- 
umphant election. 

That  night  when  he  left  his  club,  where  a 
banquet  had  been  given  in  his  honor,  he 
entertained  no  doubt  that  he  would  be  elected 
by  several  thousand  majority. 


XXII. 


Another  Way  to  Run  a Campaign. 

RENRY  ARMOR,  however,  was  deceived 
by  surface  indications.  He  knew 
nothing  of  the  power  of  the  Leaders, 
the  Ring  and  the  Boss. 

The  “I  made  ’im”  is  no  idle  boast,  nor  is 
the  “I’m  fur  ’im”  an  empty  promise.  The 
Boss’s  “I  Will”  is  the  Leaders’  “We  Must,” 
and  when  they  They  determine  to  “make”  a 
man,  he  is  as  good  as  made ; when  they  deter- 
mine to  unmake  he  is  already  undone. 

The  first  law  of  an  army  is  unquestioning, 
implicit  obedience.  Not  infrequently  has  the 
disregard  of,  or  the  failure  to  execute,  an  ap- 
parently trifling  military  order  caused  the 
defeat  of  a great  army — the  downfall  of  an 

empire — the  overthrow  of  a civilization — the 

(183) 


184  ANOTHER  WAY  TO  RUN  A CAMPAIGN. 

opening  of  a new  volume  of  the  world’s 
history. 

The  Leaders,  the  Ring  and  the  Boss  com- 
mand an  army  composed  of  elements,  as  dan- 
gerous as  those  which  make  up  the  crew  of  a 
pirate  ship.  The  instant  the  slightest  sign 
of  weakness  is  shown,  each  man  aspires  to  be 
commander,  and  is  willing  to  sink  the  ship 
and  all  on  board  rather  than  to  forego  his  own 
ambitious  schemes.  Therefore,  disobedience, 
or  want  of  obedience,  means  danger,  not  only 
of  defeat,  disaster  and  ruin,  but  also — as  the 
Reformers  believe — of  the  Penitentiary. 
A repulse  may  prove  to  be  a rout.  The  loss 
of  a single  member  of  the  Municipal  Legisla- 
ture may  mean  a reorganization — rearrange- 
ment of  Committees — Investigation,  and — 
who  can  tell  what  ? It  is  imperatively  neces- 
sary, therefore,  that  every  man  shall  be  taught 
that  to  fail  is  to  betray,  to  disobey  is  to  rebel ; 
and  that  to  do  either  is  to  invite  political 
death.  Punishment  is  more  than  a duty ; it 
is  an  absolute  necessity  for  self-preservation. 

There  are  also  dangers  from  without  as  well 
as  from  within.  The  Leaders,  the  Ring  and 


the  genius  of  the  ring. 

The  Boss’s  ‘ I Will  ’ is  the  Leaders’  ‘ We  Must.’  ” — p.  185. 


Copyrighted,  1889,  by  Gebbie  &*Co. 


ANOTHER  WAY  TO  RUN  A CAMPAIGN.  185 


the  Boss  are  required  to  practice  eternal  vigi- 
lance. They  are  compelled  to  do  more  than 
simply  to  repel  hostile  assaults ; they  must 
punish  them  with  political  annihilation. 
Their  power  to  be  preserved  must  be  feared. 
It  must  be  proved  to  be  even  greater  to  pun- 
ish than  to  reward.  Therefore,  it  does  not 
stop  at  removing  an  insubordinate  from  place 
— withdrawing  from  a disobedient  editor  all 
patronage — placing  insurmountable  obstacles 
between  a too  independent  candidate  and  the 
object  of  his  ambition ; it  pursues  its  vic- 
tim like  a remorseless,  an  implacable,  an  in- 
exorable Fate.  For  those  assailants  whom 
such  punishments  cannot  reach,  others  are 
provided.  What  cannot  be  done  directly  is 
done  by  indirection. 

The  vengeance  of  the  Leaders,  the  Ring 
and  the  Boss  is  like  the  Vendetta  which  re- 
ceived its  name  in  Corsica,  but  which  was  a 
religion  among  the  ancient  Scandinavians, 
and  has  been  practiced  in  every  age  and  in 
every  country  to  redress  those  wrongs  for 
which  the  law  provides  no  remedy.  Its 
agencies  are  as  numerous,  as  secret,  as  dan- 


186  ANOTHER  WAY  TO  RUN  A CAMPAIGN. 

gerous  as  those  employed  to-day  by  the 
Nihilists  of  Russia,  or  those  which  were 
practiced  by  the  Thugs  of  India  prior  to 
1837.  Its  punishments  even  extend  to  the 
destruction  of  private  character,  the  invasion 
of  the  family  circle,  the  assault  upon  womanly 
honor,  and  violence  to  life  and  limb.  Few 
persons  comprehend  the  power  which  a single 
man  with  a million  of  dollars  can  exert,  if 
he  will.  Fewer  still  are  able  to  comprehend 
the  terrific  power  which  the  Leaders,  the  Ring 
and  the  Boss  can  wield,  when  it  is  necessary 
to  do  so,  for  self-preservation.  In  every  large 
city  is  to  be  found  a class  of  men  who  form 
their  secret  police,  executing  Their  will  with- 
out fear,  knowing  that  They  stand  as  a shield 
between  Their  agents  and  the  law.  If  the 
secrets  of  the  “ mysterious  disappearances  ” 
of  which  we  read  were  all  disclosed — but  for- 
tunately, perhaps,  the  dead  cannot  speak. 

Henry  Armor  not  only  failed  to  understand 
the  power  of  the  Leaders,  the  Ring  and  the 
Boss,  against  which  he  hurled  his  polished 
and  not  wholly  harmless  sentences,  but  he 
also  failed  to  comprehend  the  necessity  which 


ANOTHER  WAY  TO  RUN  A CAMPAIGN.  187 


demanded  his  defeat.  The  contest,  owing  to 
the  tendency  of  the  people  to  run  to  ex- 
tremes, had  assumed  so  serious  a shape  that 
it  rendered  doubtful  the  election  of  three, 
and  possibly  of  five  candidates  for  the  Muni- 
cipal Legislature  in  that  Congressional  Dis- 
trict. The  Reform  assault,  therefore,  threat- 
ened not  only  to  drive  in  the  line  of  skir- 
mishers, but  also  to  endanger  the  safety  of 
Their  whole  army,  and  made  the  overthrow 
of  Their  empire  possible.  The  ascendency 
of  the  Reform  Association,  at  all  events, 
meant  a standing  menace  to  the  power  and 
safety  of  the  Leaders,  the  Ring  and  the  Boss, 
and,  therefore,  They  said,  “ We  must  destroy 
them  to  save  Ourselves.”  It  was  the  delenda 
est  Carthago  of  the  Romans. 

The  Leaders,  the  Ring  and  the  Boss  were 
not  idle.  They  also  held  meetings — not  to 
make  converts,  but  to  encourage  the  rank  and 
file,  and  to  conceal  the  manner  in  which 
Their  skirmishers,  Their  sharp-shooters, 
Their  guerillas,  Their  bush-whackers  and 
Their  light-cavalry  were  engaged,  and  the 


188  ANOTHER  WAY  TO  RUN  A CAMPAIGN. 

mode  in  which  They  had  determined  to 
handle  Their  troops  and  give  battle. 

Neither  Michael  Mulhooly,  nor  Blossom 
Brick,  nor  the  Boss  spoke  at  any  of  these 
meetings.  Their  time  and  talents  were  more 
usefully  employed.  They  were  wholly  oc- 
cupied in  strengthening  Their  wavering  lines; 
in  compelling  submission  where  They  dis- 
covered signs  of  insubordination ; in  exhaust- 
ing the  possibilities  of  each  Department ; in 
laying  out  the  exact  work  expected  of  each 
one  of  the  many  hundreds  of  employees  in 
the  District,  and  in  arranging  all  those  count- 
less details  with  election  officers,  window-book 
men  and  committees  to  bring  out  the  vote, 
which  go  so  far,  in  every  close  contest,  to- 
wards conquering  success. 

One  of  the  first  steps  which  was  taken  was 
to  make  an  example  of  those  employees  of 
Departments  not  directly  under  Their  control, 
who  had  been  led  into  acting  with  the  Reform 
Association,  by  reason  of  its  professed  re- 
spectability, and  by  the  plausible  argument 
that,  as  Henry  Armor  was  a candidate  of  the 
party,  although  an  independent  one,  he  could 


ANOTHER  WAY  TO  RUN  A CAMPAIGN.  189 


be  supported  by  every  party-man  without  in- 
fidelity to  the  party.  Against  such  offenders 
They  acted  promptly  and  decidedly. 

Henry  White,  a clerk  in  the  Department 
of  the  State  Treasury,  was  one  of  the  first 
victims.  He  had  paraded  with  the  Reform 
Association  of  his  Ward,  and  had  acted  at  a 
public  meeting  of  the  Association  as  one  of 
the  secretaries,  and  had  read  a series  of  reso- 
lutions strongly  indorsing  Henry  Armor, 
and,  of  course,  by  implication  condemning 
the  Boss.  He  had  not  been  long  enough  in 
office  to  know  any  better. 

His  offense  was  a glaring  one,  and  nothing 
but  his  official  head  would  appease  the  wrath 
which  he  had  unconsciously  aroused.  Ac- 
cordingly the  Boss  called  promptly  upon  the 
Head  of  the  Department — made  known  His 
will — refused  to  take  a denial  or  listen  to  an 
apology,  saying  only  “ I’ll  tache  ’im,”  and  as 
He  could  not  be  offended  with  impunity, 
although  the  Department  was  not  under  His 
control,  that  very  afternoon  Mr.  White,  on 
leaving  the  office,  received  an  official  envelope 
which  he  discovered  contained  a written 


190  ANOTHER  WAY  TO  RUN  A CAMPVIGN. 

notice  of  his  dismissal.  It  was  a thunder- 
bolt from  a cloudless  sky.  He  had  just 
taken  a small  house  and  furnished  it,  mainly 
on  credit,  and  was  daily  expecting  his  young 
wife  to  be  confined  with  her  first  baby.  He 
read  the  letter  over  again  and  again,  seeking 
in  vain  to  find  some  explanation  of  his 
offense,  in  the  lines  which  told  only  too 
plainly  of  his  punishment.  With  a heavy 
heart  he  sat  down  at  the  supper-table  which 
she  had  prepared,  according  to  her  custom, 
to  welcome  him  after  his  day’s  work,  and 
pleaded  a headache  as  an  excuse  for  the  de- 
pression which  he  could  not  wholly  conceal 
from  the  watchful  eyes  of  the  poor  little 
woman  to  whom  he  was  lover,  hero,  and 
almost  God. 

That  night,  while  sleep  made  many  another 
aching  heart  temporarily  forget  its  woes,  she 
refused  to  him  her  blessed  consolation.  He 
heard  the  solemn  tones  of  the  great  town- 
clock  slowly  counting  off  the  hours  of  the 
long  night.  He  listened  impatiently  to  his 
own  cheap  clock  ticking  away,  one  by  one, 
the  seconds,  each  one  of  which  brought  him 


ANOTHER  WAY  TO  RUN  A CAMPAIGN.  191 


one  step  nearer  the  moment  when  he  could 
meet  his  Chief  face  to  face,  and  demand  an 
explanation  of  this  heavy  punishment  for  a 
fault  of  which  he  was  ignorant.  He  looked 
at  his  young  wife,  sleeping  in  blissful  ignor- 
ance of  the  great  trouble  which  the  next 
day’s  sun  would  surely  disclose,  dreaming  of 
the  baby  that  was  so  soon,  like  a kind  mes- 
sage from  the  Great  Father,  to  gladden  their 
humble  but  happy  home;  and  then  the  silent, 
scalding-hot  tears  one  by  one — but,  Pshaw ! 
why  waste  any  sympathy  upon  a fool  who 
expected  to  live  by  a system  which  he  was 
not  willing  to  obey  as  a slave  ? 

Of  course  he  thought  when  morning  came 
that  in  that  one  night  he  had  lived  through 
ten  years  of  misery.  Of  course  he  hurried 
to  the  Department,  still  hoping  that  the  God 
to  whom  he  prayed  for  his  wife  and  unborn 
child,  might  find  some  means  of  arresting 
the  calamity.  Of  course  the  ostensible  Chief 
of  the  Department  received  him  kindly,  and 
explained  to  him  the  crime  which  he  had 
committed,  and  expressed  his  regret  that  he 
had  been  compelled  to  thus  summarily  dis- 


192  ANOTHER  WAY  TO  RUN  A CAMPAIGN. 

miss  him.  Of  course  he  grew  indignant  at 
this,  his  first  lesson  in  practical  politics,  and 
denounced  his  dismissal  as  an  act  of  tyranny, 
wicked,  disgraceful  and  cruel ; and  then,  sud- 
denly thinking  of  his  home,  of  his  wife,  and 
of  how  he  was  to  provide  food  and  nursing 
and  a doctor,  broke  down  utterly,  and,  sob- 
bing like  a child,  told  of  his  great  necessities, 
and  promised  to  submit  in  the  future  and  to 
do  anything  in  his  power  to  repair  the  wrong 
he  had  done,  and  was  told,  kindly  but 
frankly,  that  nothing  could  be  done,  as  his 
place  had  already  been  filled.  Of  course  he 
went  away  cursing  the  system,  and  praying 
God  to  visit  upon  the  Boss  something  of  the 
misery  which  He  caused  others  to  suffer,  and 
stopping  every  acquaintance  whom  he  met  on 
the  street  to  tell  his  story,  receiving  sympathy 
from  all,  and  from  some  the  consoling  assur- 
ance that  he  “ ought  not  to  have  been  such  a 

d -d  fool.”  Of  course  some  of  his  hearers, 

warned  by  his  example,  endeavored  to  make 
amends  for  their  own  indiscretions  by  going 
from  one  saloon  to  another  where  there  was  a 
prospect  of  meeting  any  of  the  Leaders,  and 


ANOTHER  WAY  TO  RUN  A CAMPAIGN.  193 


hurrahing  for  “ Mulhooly  all  the  time.”  Of 
course,  when  he  was  at  last  compelled  to  go 
home,  tired,  hungry,  and  sick  at  heart,  and 
to  tell  his  poor  young  wife  all,  the  shock 
brought  on Well,  Nature  has  not  pro- 

vided us  with  a sufficient  supply  of  tears  to 
meet  the  demands  made  upon  our  sensibilities 
by  the  miseries  brought  upon  the  innocent 
and  helpless  by  the  follies  of  our  fellow-men. 

A few  such  examples  are  sufficient  to  strike 
terror  to  the  hearts,  not  only  of  the  employees 
of  the  Leaders,  the  Ring  and  the  Boss,  but 
also  of  all  who  are  in  the  public  service  and 
whom  Their  vengeance  can  possibly  reach. 

Their  next  task  was  to  raise  sufficient 
money  to  defray  the  expense  of  electing 
Michael  Mulhooly,  and  it  was  an  easy  one. 

Henry  Armor,  indorsed  as  he  was  by  bank- 
presidents  and  millionaires,  who,  according  to 
their  own  views,  had  contributed  most  liber- 
ally to  his  campaign  fund,  would  have  been 
greatly  astonished  had  he  been  told  that  a 
sum  nearly  three  times  as  large  as  that  which 
had  been  subscribed  by  his  wealthy  friends 


194  ANOTHER  WAY  TO  RUN  A CAMPAIGN. 

had  been  raised  without  difficulty  to  secure 
his  defeat. 

Blossom  Brick,  as  Chairman  of  a sub-Com- 
mittee  of  the  City  Committee,  took  upon  him- 
self the,  to  him,  agreeable  duty  of  collecting 
this  fund.  Lists  were  always  ready  for  use 
on  such  occasions,  containing  the  name  of 
every  man  directly  or  indirectly  employed  un- 
der the  city  government,  with  the  amount  of 
his  salary,  or  an  estimate  of  the  Rebates  and 
aliunde  profits  attached  to  his  office,  set  oppo- 
site his  name. 

It  was  customary  to  levy  an  assessment 
varying  from  one  to  five  per  cent,  upon  the 
estimated  salary  of  each.  With  a salary  list 
of  $6,595,625,  one  per  cent,  of  this  sum  would 
amount  to  $65,956.  Even  if  but  two-thirds 
of  those  who  were  requested  to  pay  their  as- 
sessments responded — and  it  is  a dangerous 
thing  for  any  man  to  refuse  to  comply  with 
so  obviously  just  a request — over  $40,000 
could  thus  be  raised  in  a few  days.  Allowing 
a proper  percentage  of  this  sum  for  natural 
leakage  while  passing  through  the  hands  of 
those  charged  with  its  collection — and  surely 


another  way  to  run  a campaign.  195 


those  who  labor  day  and  night  for  the  party 
without  any  ostensible  salary  ought  not  to 
be  expected  to  account  for  every  cent — it  will 
be  readily  seen  that  if  Blossom  Brick’s  rule 
for  estimating  the  cost  of  securing  an  election 
be  correct,  there  still  would  remain  a very 
large  sum  to  be  used  in  making  the  requisite 
number  of  election  officers  “ solid.” 

In  this  rule  Blossom  Brick  placed  implicit 
faith.  He  laughed  when  other  people  talked 
about  relying  upon  public  meetings  and 
speeches  to  carry  an  election,  and  repeated 
one  of  his  favorite  expressions,  “An  election 
officer  well  in  hand  is  worth  a score  of  voters 
on  the  half  she  in'1 

Having  raised  this  fund,  he  also  took  upon 
himself  the,  to  him,  agreeable  duty  of  dis- 
bursing it.  One  of  his  peculiarities  in  man- 
aging this  responsible  part  of  the  campaign, 
for  which  he  was  noted,  was  that  he  never 
allowed  any  portion  of  such  a fund  to  remain 
unexpended,  or  turned  over  any  surplus  to 
the  Committee  for  a reserve  fund.  On  the 
contrary,  he  invariably  had  bills  outstanding, 

and  claims  of  his  own  for  bills  which  he  had 
13 


196  another  way  to  run  a campaign. 

felt  compelled  to  pay  out  of  his  own  pocket. 
This  proved  how  thoroughly  he  did  his  work. 

Upon  him  also  mainly  devolved  the  deli- 
cate and  responsible  duty  of  conducting 
those  diplomatic  'negotiations,  not  only  with 
election  officers,  upon  whom  he  so  strongly 
relied,  but  also  with  that  valuable  body  of 
statesmen,  such  as  Hon.  Hugh  McCann, 
Piggy  Degan  and  Pud.  Muldoon,  who  have  a 
positive  genius  for  bringing  ont  voters,  even 
in  Wards  in  which  they  do  not  reside,  and 
where  they  are  supposed  to  have  no  very  ex- 
tended acquaintance.  It  is  sufficient  to  say 
that  when  such  work  was  done  by  Blossom 
Brick  it  was  well  done,  and  that  he  highly 
commended  Michael  Mulhooly  for  the  assist- 
ance which  he  rendered  in  more  than  one 
case  of  peculiar  delicacy  and  difficulty. 

Each  Election  District  was  carefully  and 
accurately  canvassed,  and  at  a private  meet- 
ing of  the  Headers,  the  Ring  and  the  Boss, 
held  on  the  Saturday  evening  when  Mr. 
Henry  Armor  was  delighting  the  large  audi- 
ence in  the  Academy  of  Music  with  his  rhe- 
torical display,  They  were  able  to  point  out 


ANOTHER  WAY  TO  RUN  A CAMPAIGN.  197 


exactly  the  amount  and  character  of  work 
which  was  still  necessary  to  be  done  in  cer- 
tain Election  Districts  to  insure  success. 

On  the  night  before  the  election — so  ad- 
mirably had  Michael  Mulhooly’s  campaign 
been  managed — the  sporting  men  commenced 
to  bet  heavily  on  his  election. 


XXIII. 


The  Result. 


ST  ten  o’clock  on  election  morning  it 
was  evident  that  Henry  Armor  was 
polling  an  exceedingly  strong  vote. 
At  two  o’clock  p.  M.  bets  of  $1,000  to  $500  that 
his  majority  would  not  be  less  than  two  thou- 
sand were  offered  at  the  clubs  without  takers. 
At  four  o’clock  p.  M.  the  afternoon  papers 
published  reports  of  disturbances  at  several 
voting  places  in  the  District. 

When  the  polls  closed  there  seemed  to  be 
no  doubt  of  the  election  of  the  Reform  Can- 
didate, but  by  a much  smaller  majority  than 
his  friends  had  predicted.  For  the  last  hour, 
in  a number  of  Flection  Districts,  the  Mul- 
hooly  voters  rallied  in  such  strength  and 
numbers  around  the  polls  as  to  prevent  any 

other  voters  from  approaching  the  window. 
(198) 


THE  RESULT. 


199 


Toward  nine  o’clock  P.  M.  rumors  com- 
menced to  come  in  of  frauds  in  counting  the 
returns,  and  of  the  carrying  off  of  ballot- 
boxes  by  bodies  of  armed  men  who  declared 
that  the  Armor  election  officers  contemplated 
making  false  returns  in  favor  of  their  candi- 
date. In  one  of  these  Election  Districts  an 
election  officer  was  shot,  and  in  another  two 
citizens  who  were  assisting  the  election  offi- 
cers to  defend  the  ballot-boxes  were  reported 
to  have  been  mortally  wounded. 

At  two  o’clock  A.  M.  a number  of  Election 
Districts  were  yet  to  be  heard  from,  no  re- 
turns having  been  made,  owing,  as  was 
alleged  by  Michael  Mulhooly’s  friends,  to  the 
attempt  of  a body  of  armed  roughs  in  Armor’s 
employ  to  count  their  candidate  in. 

Michael  Mulhooly  and  Blossom  Brick  were 
up  all  night,  driving  from  one  voting-place  to 
another,  encouraging  their  election  officers  to 
stand  firm,  and  not  to  allow  Mulhooly  to  be 
counted  out. 

At  daylight  Blossom  Brick  ordered  Patsy 
Maguire — at  whose  saloon  they  had  just  ar- 
rived, worn  out  by  their  arduous  labors — to 


200 


THE  RESULT. 


open  a basket  of  wine,  and  invited  up  some 
twenty  members  of  tbe  “ Michael  Mulhooly 
Campaign  Club  ” — who  had  also  been  en- 
gaged all  night  in  guarding  the  sanctity  of 
the  ballot — to  drink  to  the  health  of  their 
“ next  Congressman,  Hon.  Michael  Mul- 
hooly.” 

When  the  official  returns  were  all  in  and 
counted  it  was  found  that,  notwithstanding 
the  unprecedented  frauds  which  were  alleged 
to  have  been  committed  in  the  interest  of  the 
Reform  candidate,  Michael  Mulhooly  was 
elected  by  a majority  of  three  hundred  .and 
seventy-nine  votes,  and  consequently,  he  re- 
ceived the  certificate  of  election. 

Thus  were  the  Leaders,  the  Ring  and  the 
Boss  vindicated  by  the  people. 

Mr.  Armor’s  friends  were  astonished  at  the 
result,  and  indignantly  denied  the  charges  of 
fraud  made  against  them.  They  claimed 
that  their  candidate  had  been  elected  by  more 
than  one  thousand  majority,  and  had  been 
deliberately  counted  out. 

Steps  were  immediately  taken  to  contest 
Michael  Mulhooly’s  seat.  A committee  was 


'THE  RESULT. 


201 


appointed  to  canvass  the  Congressional  Dis- 
trict ; a large  fund  was  subscribed  to  defray 
the  necessary  expenses,  and  a number  of 
eminent  counsel  were  employed  to  prepare 
the  proper  petition  and  present  the  case  at 
the  opening  of  the  next  session  of  Congress. 

The  Truth-teller  from  day  to  day  published 
the  details,  which  it  claimed  would  establish 
the  most  wicked  and  stupendous  scheme  to 
over-ride  the  will  of  the  people  that  had  ever 
been  perpetrated  or  attempted  in  the  city. 

A number  of  election  officers  were  arrested 
and  held  to  bail,  and  one  of  them  made  an 
affidavit  that  he  had  been  paid  $150  by  Blos- 
som Brick,  in  the  presence  of  Michael  Mul- 
hooly,  to  alter  the  returns  so  that  they  would 
show  a gain  of  fifty  votes  for  Mulhooly.  It 
was  announced  that  upon  this  affidavit  a war- 
rant would  be  issued  for  the  arrest  of  both 
these  gentlemen,  but  no  such  warrant  was 
issued,  on  account  of  the  sudden  disappear- 
ance of  the  man  who  had  made  this  affidavit. 
This  singular  conduct  on  his  part  gave  color 
to  the  allegation  of  Blossom  Brick  that  it  was 
only  a “put-up  job,”  and  that  the  man  had 


202 


THE  RESULT. 


been  paid  by  Armor’s  friends  to  make  the 
affidavit  and  then  “ skip,”  so  as  to  enable 
them  to  cover  up  their  own  frauds. 

As  the  session  of  Congress  drew  near,  each 
party  claimed  to  have  secured  overwhelming 
evidences  of  frauds  committed  by  the  other 
side.  The  contest,  however,  was  never  to  be 
made,  owing  to  the  sudden  death  of  Mr. 
Henry  Armor,  who,  notwithstanding  his 
peculiar  political  views,  had  won  the  regard 
and  esteem  of  many  of  the  best  people  in  the 
community,  by  whom  his  loss  was  sincerely 
mourned. 

The  night  before  Michael  Mulhooly’s  de- 
parture to  take  his  seat  in  the  American 
Congress  the  Michael  Mulhooly  Campaign 
Clubs  tendered  him  a serenade  and  made  a 
street  parade,  marshalled  by  Hon.  Hugh 
McCann,  Piggy  Degan  and  Pud.  Muldoon, 
and  carrying  transparencies  upon  which 
were  inscribed  various  striking  and  original 
mottoes. 

Two  of  these  transparencies,  borne  side  by 
side,  were  so  peculiar  and  suggestive,  that 
this  sketch  of  a distinguished  representative 


PRACTICE  VS.  THEORY. — p.  203. 


Copyrighted,  18S9,  by  Gebbie  & Co. 


THE  RESULT. 


203 


of  the  system  which  will  fill  so  important  a 
page  of  the  political  history  of  the  country, 
cannot  be  more  fittingly  concluded  than  by 
reproducing  the  mottoes  which  they  bore  : 


MIKE 

MULHOOLY, 

M.  C. 

BY  THE  GRACE 
OF 

THE  GODS. 


A 

GOVERNMENT 

OF 

THE  PEOPLE, 
BY 

THE  PEOPLE, 
AND  FOR 
THE  PEOPLE. 


The  Leaders,  the  Ring,  and  the  Boss,  and 
Their  thousands  of  dependants,  had  been 
truly — Solid  for  Mulhooly . 


APPENDIX. 


DADDY  RAT  AS  JAIL- KEEPER. 


[From  the  Baltimore  Civil  Service  Reformer , September,  1888.] 


ID' 


^HEN  James  Ratcliffe,  otherwise  “ Daddy  Rat,” 
is  brought  out  of  the  old  Tolbooth,  or  “ Heart 
of  Midlothian/ ’ and  calmly  proposes  that,  in- 
stead of  being  hanged  on  this  his  fourth  sentence,  he 
shall  be  made  under-turnkey,  the  magistrate  is  appalled  at 
the  fellow’s  effrontery.  A strange  set  of  circumstances 
lead  (in  the  story)  to  the  granting  of  his  request,  and 
Madge  Wildfire  meets  her  new  jailer  with  the  salutation, 
“ Gude  e’en  to  ye,  Daddy  Ratton  ; they  tauld  me  ye  were 
hanged,  man.”  In  relating  this  incident,  Sir  Walter 
Scott  probably  thought  that  he  had  driven  the  improbable 
quite  as  far  as  was  safe,  even  in  a novel.  Truth,  however, 
is  stranger  than  fiction ; at  least  it  is  so  in  the  State  of 
Maryland.  Had  Scott  lived  here  in  the  present  year  of 
our  Lord,  he  would  have  found  that  what  he  considered  a 
rather  sensational  episode  was  the  “ regular”  rule,  and 
our  penal  institutions  were  in  great  measure  intrusted  to 
men  of  known  criminal  antecedents.  At  this  very  hour 
Mr.  Mike  Murphy,  one  of  the  most  notorious  of  the  Wey- 
. (204) 


APPENDIX. 


205 


ler  gang,  is  deputy  warden  in  the  Baltimore  City  Jail,  in 
which  he  was  a convict  only  a few  years  ago.  He  took 
the  place  of  Dick  Carter,  Weyler’s  brother-in-law,  and 
another  of  the  same  gang,  whose  record  shows  thirteen 
arrests  and  three  indictments,  and  who  retired  to  assume 
the  charge  of  Weyler’s  saloon  at  the  Cross  Street  Market, 
which  is  the  rendezvous  of  the  gang. 

But  the  most  sensational  appointment  we  have  yet  had 
was  made  a few  weeks  ago,  when  John  W.  Weyler  him- 
self, the  veritable  “ Daddy  Rat  ” of  the  organization,  was 
appointed  Warden  of  the  Penitentiary,  the  institution  in 
which  two  of  his  most  useful  followers,  Burke  and  Ken- 
nedy, are  now  serving  out  sentences  for  a political  mur- 
der. Is  not  this  a little  startling,  even  for  Baltimore? 
Does  not  the  presence  of  three  members  of  this  gang  in 
important  places  in  the  management  of  our  jail  and  peni- 
tentiary give  to  the  direction  of  those  institutions  rather 
too  much  the  air  of  a representative  government? 

The  rise  of  this  man  Weyler  is  the  strongest  of  all 
proofs  of  the  close  connection  of  our  “regular”  organi- 
zation with  our  criminal  population.  Weyler  has  for 
some  time  been  a prominent  and  a corrupt  member  of  the 
City  Council,  and  is  now  the  President  of  the  First 
Branch,  and  is  sometimes  Acting  Mayor.  The  giving  to 
him,  however,  of  the  important  office  of  Warden  of  the 
Penitentiary  at  the  same  time  that  he  holds  these  other 
positions,  is  an  unusual  proceeding,  and  deserves  atten- 
tion. Let  us  see  who  and  what  Weyler  is.  It  is  a little 
difficult  to  give  a clear  notion  of  this.  The  simple 
method  of  getting  at  the  record  of  an  ordinary  Baltimore 


206 


APPENDIX. 


“statesman”  will  not  do  in  this  case.  A short  run 
through  the  dockets  of  the  Criminal  Court  will  give  for 
most  of  our  rulers  a history  both  satisfactory  and  volumin- 
ous. Weyler,  however,  was  a detective  at  the  beginning 
of  his  career,  has  all  of  Daddy  Rat’s  wariness,  keeps  dark 
when  sober,  and  generally  acts  on  the  detective’s  rule  to 
do  nothing  in  person  that  can  be  done  by  an  agent.  His 
life,  therefore,  is  not  “spread  upon  the  records”  as  are 
those  of  so  many  of  our  great  men. 

One  instance  will  serve  to  illustrate  this  difference.  In 
the  congressional  election  of  1880  Weyler  had  had  ap- 
pointed as  judges  of  election  his  friend  “ Mike  ” Murphy 
and  a young  man  named  Bowers,  a sailor,  scarcely  of  age, 
entirely  ignorant  of  all  election  matters  and  fresh  from  his 
first  voyage — the  recognized  machinery  for  stutfiing  a bal- 
lot-box, namely,  one  scamp  and  one  tyro.  Acting  under 
instructions  from  Weyler  as  to  his  powers  and  duties  as 
judge,  Bowers  refused  admittance  to  and  assaulted  the 
United  States  Marshal.  For  this  Bowers  was  convicted 
in  the  United  States  Court  and  served  a short  term  in  jail, 
but  Weyler  escaped  all  punishment.  Usually  working 
thus  by  indirection,  it  is  difficult  to  fasten  his  crimes  upon 
him.  Some  facts  can,  however,  be  given  that  will  illus- 
trate his  true  character  and  show  the  enormity  of  his  ap- 
pointment to  so  important  a post  as  that  of  Warden  of 
the  Penitentiary.  The  most  significant  of  these  is  that 
Weyler  is  chief  of  the  Seventeenth  Ward  gang,  that  has 
figured  so  prominently  in  the  discussions  and  disgraces 
of  the  last  two  years.  He  has  the  distribution  of  the 
patronage,  and  selects  the  agents  that  are  needed  for  the 


APPENDIX. 


207 


kind  of  work  on  which  “the  party”  relies  in  that  ward. 
The  names  of  his  principal  lieutenants  and  agents  have 
become  familiar ; but,  at  the  risk  of  telling  an  old  story, 
we  will  recall  a few  of  them,  as  showing  what  kind  of  an 
organization  Weyler  is  at  the  head  of : 

James  F.  Busey  is  Superintendent  of  Streets.  Has 
been  arrested  thirty-nine  times  and  indicted  twelve  times. 
(Said  by  Mayor  Hodges  to  have  “an  interesting  family.”) 
Many  of  his  indictments  have  been  for  very  brutal  assaults, 
and  one  at  least  for  an  assault  on  a woman.  Busey  was 
once  Weyler’s  senior  officer,  but  Weyler  has  been  pro- 
moted over  him  for  meritorious  service. 

Beauregard  Carter,  a notorious  and  dangerous  ruffian, 
killed  in  cold  blood  by  other  members  of  the  gang  some 
four  years  ago. 

Tom  Hogan,  indicted  for  the  killing  of  Councilman 
Mulligan,  but  acquitted. 

John  Burke  and  James  Kennedy  are  now  serving  out  a 
term  in  the  penitentiary  for  the  murder  of  John  F.  Cur- 
ran. They  were  appointed  judges  of  election  through 
the  Weyler  machinery,  and  this  was  their  first  act  after 
they  joined  the  harmonious  officialty  described  by  Mayor 
Hodges. 

Richard  Carter  was  until  a few  weeks  ago  Deputy  War- 
den at  the  jail.  He  has  been  arrested  thirteen  times  and 
indicted  three  times.  He  is  now  in  charge  of  the  grog- 
gery,  No.  25  Weyler  Street,  formerly  kept  and  still  owned 
by  Weyler  himself,  which  is  the  meeting  place  of  the 
“officialty  ” of  the  ward.  He  is  Weyler’s  brother-in- 
law.  A good  photograph  of  this  gentleman  would  be  of 


208 


APPENDIX. 


much  use  during  our  local  campaigns,  and  during  off 
years  it  would  serve  as  an  illustration  for  Dickens’  char- 
acter of  Bill  Sykes. 

Mike  Murphy  is  now  a Deputy  Warden  at  the  jail.  He 
was  formerly  a convict  there.  He  has  often  been  arrested. 
For  many  years  he  was  an  assistant  to  Jim  Busey,  but  he 
took  Carter’s  place  at  the  jail  when  the  latter  took  charge 
of  Weyler’s  saloon.  As  the  Hatter  said  to  the  March 
Hare,  “All  move  up  one  place.” 

John  Murphy,  alias  Butch,  is  a well-known  tough,  fre- 
quently arrested,  and  always  in  office.  He  is  the  close 
friend  and  protege  of  Weyler,  who  has  for  years  kept  him 
in  his  present  post  of  page  in  the  City  Council.  He  is 
under  indictment  at  the  present  time  for  fraudulent  regis- 
tration. 

As  to  Weyler’s  own  individual  character,  much  is 
known,  but  not  much  is  speakable.  A few  of  the  more 
presentable  facts  will,  however,  prove  interesting.  He 
was  once  on  the  police  detective  force,  but  was  dismissed 
for  misconduct.  Weyler  was  arrested  in  1884  for  intimi- 
dating voters.  The  charge  was  not  pressed,  for  the  rea- 
son that  the  prosecuting  witness  was  unwilling  to  press  it. 
This  reason,  when  entered  in  political  cases,  generally 
means  that  the  prosecuting  witness  was  threatened  or 
bought  off  by  the  accused  and  his  friends. 

Characteristic  of  his  associations  are  the  thrashings 
Weyler  has  suffered.  He  was  beaten  in  a very  brutal  way 
in  his  own  bar-room  some  years  ago  by  one  “ Billy  ” Car- 
roll,  a brother  of  James  F.  Busey,  who  for  some  reason 
had  had  his  name  changed.  He  was  also  beaten  by  one 


APPENDIX. 


209 


Michael  Wagner  in  front  of  the  saloon  of  the  well-known 
ex-City  Councilman  Jacob  Crow,  and  was  picked  up  in 
an  unconscious  state  from  that  statesman’s  cellar-door. 
The  latest  episode  of  this  sort  in  Weyler’s  career,  how- 
ever, was  the  assault  upon  him  in  1884  by  “ Bill  ” Harig, 
a well-known  political  “bruiser”  of  the  Fifteenth  Ward, 
who  for  years  back  has  been  equally  at  home  in  the  crim- 
inal dock  and  at  the  governmental  table.  Harig  as- 
saulted Weyler  most  viciously,  apparently  without  any 
provocation.  He  was  indicted  for  assault  with  intent  to 
kill,  but  he  was  only  convicted  of  a common  assault. 
Harig  exhibited  during  the  trial  the  most  reckless  au- 
dacity, and  rather  interested  the  jury  in  spite  of  the 
evident  fact  that  he  was  a desperado.  He  called  as  wit- 
nesses indiscriminately  the  most  prominent  and  respecta- 
ble men  in  Weyler’s  ward  to  prove  that  he  was  not  to  be 
believed  on  oath,  and  Weyler  made  no  attempt  to  con- 
trovert this  charge.  Harig  boasted  openly  that  he  had 
gotten  himself  arrested  for  the  sake  of  producing  this 
proof,  and  his  character  and  behavior  make  this  seem  not 
improbable. 

These  are  a few  facts  in  the  life  of  this  man  who  is  now 
President  of  the  First  Branch  of  the  City  Council,  who 
sometimes  acts  as  Mayor,  and  who  has  been  appointed 
Warden  of  our  Penitentiary.  They  will  serve  to  show  in 
a very  general  way  the  style  of  man  chosen  for  this  place. 
We  have  not  gone  into  the  more  revolting  details  of  his 
life,  because  to  do  so  would  make  this  recital  too  dis- 
gusting. 

People  will  ask  how  such  a man  can  get  an  office  of 


210 


APPENDIX. 


responsibility  like  the  wardenship  of  the  penitentiary? 
But  it  should  be  understood  that  Weyler,  in  spite  of  his 
low  character,  is  quite  a power  in  our  city  politics.  Mr. 
Rasin’s  three  principal  lieutenants  in  the  city  are  Quinn, 
Mahon,  and  John  F.  Weyler ; and  it  is  said  that  Weyler 
of  late  has  had  more  influence  than  either  of  the  others. 
With  two  of  the  best  offices  in  the  city,  his  seat  at  the 
governmental  table  is  a very  prominent  one,  and  he  is  no 
man  to  go  unfed.  The  post  of  Warden  is  a particularly 
attractive  one  to  a covetous  statesman,  as  it  affords  among 
its  perquisites  free  board  and  lodging  in  a fine  house  and 
unlimited  “ supplies.  ” There  is  a peculiar  significance, 
too,  in  Weyler’s  appointment,  which  is  apparent  on  reflec- 
tion. It  seems  likely  that  all  political  offenders  are  to  be 
granted  clemency  as  soon  as  it  shall  be  safe.  A large 
part  of  the  convicted  judges  and  clerks  have  already  been 
pardoned  by  Governor  Jackson,  and  the  last  legislature 
condoned  the  crimes  of  all  not  yet  convicted.  But  the 
pardon  of  Burke  and  Kennedy,  who  rendered  a more  im- 
portant service  than  any  of  the  other  judges,  is  still  de- 
layed, doubtless,  as  Higgins  said  when  trying  to  get  rid 
of  one  of  the  witnesses  against  them,  till  public  attention 
shall  “ blow  over.7  7 The  two  martyrs  have  a right  to  con- 
sider themselves  most  unfairly  and  ungratefully  treated. 
It  cannot  be  doubted  that  they  are  restless  and  complain- 
ing. Is  it  uncharitable  to  surmise  that  one  of  the  duties 
of  the  chief  of  the  Seventeenth  Ward  organization,  who 
has  been  put  in  charge  of  them,  will  be  to  keep  them  from 
“ squealing  ” till  the  city  statesmen  can  compel  the 
Governor  to  pardon  them  ? 


mhhhhMMMIRIM 


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